Libmonster ID: KG-1180

Alexey Glushaev
1

ANTI-religious propaganda called them "sectarians", and the authorities very carefully reported on the presence of Baptists, Pentecostals, and Adventists in the life of Soviet society, without fail placing them on the side of the "road of communist construction". But gone are the days when evangelical believers were called "sectarian kulak Petrushka", depicting on anti-religious posters a puppet pink-cheeked Petrushka, from behind which the "enemy" face of the rural kulak peeked out. The creation in 1944 of the united Union of Evangelical Christians and Baptists, to which a part of the Pentecostals later joined, was supposed to indicate, according to the political calculations of the Stalinist leadership, that "The Soviet state considers the existence of religious ideas and... does not restrict the freedom to perform religious rites." 1
However, in practice, the legal activity of Protestant associations was significantly limited by the control of state structures and depended on the changing political situation. In contrast to metropolitan cities (Moscow, Leningrad) and some regional centers2, where evangelical Baptist Christian prayer houses operated, in towns and villages-

1. Religion and Church//The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The Great Soviet Encyclopedia./Edited by S. I. Vavilov, K. E. Voroshilov, P. I. Lebedev-Polyansky, A. Lozovsky, F. N. Petrov, F. A. Rotstein, O. Yu. Schmidt. Moscow: OGIZ SSSR, 1947. Stb. 1782.

2. In the cities of Izhevsk and Kirov, the administrative centers of the regions bordering the Molotov region, ECB communities were registered by the bodies of local executive committees in 1945-1948. See: Yarygin N. N. Evangelical movement in the Volga-Vyatka region. Moscow: Akademicheskiy Proekt Publ., 2004, p. 110.

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Until the mid-1950s, there were no officially registered communities of evangelical believers in the Kakheti region. That didn't mean they weren't there. In the first post-war year of 1946, a group of Evangelical Christians in Molotov 3 appealed to the commissioner of the Council for Religious Cults (SD RK) with a request to open a prayer house 4. The registration process took a long time and, in the end, turned into a bureaucratic red tape.

Something similar happened in other localities of the region. However, city and district officials preferred to ignore for the time being the small religious groups, among which there were also special categories of Soviet citizens who were "evicted and registered in a special way." 5
Regarding information from the early 1950s about the religious situation in the districts of the region, Commissioner N. G. Muzlov constantly complained that reports from the district and city executive committees of the region did not contain data on unregistered groups of believers operating. The reports themselves arrived 6 hours late. Prayer meetings were often found out by chance, as in the case when angry residents, neighbors of the Baptist believer's barracks, came to the city executive committee of Gubakha, Molotov oblast, "with a complaint that frequent chants and gatherings at Marchenko's violated the rules of the hostel and interfered with normal life." 7
Fragmentary information about the evangelical movement at the turn of the 1940s and 1950s gave the impression of a small presence of believers belonging to Protestant communities in the region. V. P. Buldakov, a lecturer at the regional Committee of the CPSU in the 1950s-60s, wrote at one time that until 1954 in the cities and towns of the region "there were small numbers, but scattered groups of "Evangelical Christians-Baptists, and" groups of Mennonite believers, [consisting] mainly of persons of German nationality, did not show much activity."8
3. From 1940 to 1957, the city of Perm was named after Molotov.

4. Statement. 15.10.1946/ / GAPK. F. R. 1205. Op. 1. D. 60. L. 1.

5. Information report. 11.04.1953//PermGANI. F. 105. Op. 20. D. 129. L. 163.

6. Information report. 15.10.1953 / UPermGANI. F. 105. Op. 20. d. 131. L. 168.

7. Information report. 11.07.1955//PermGANI. F. 105. Op. 22. D. 106. L. 6.

Buldakov V. P. 8. Activity of the CPSU on atheistic education of working people in 1952-1965 (Based on the materials of the Perm region). Dissertation for the degree of Candidate of Historical Sciences [Typescript]. Perm, 1972. p. 119, 121.

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This initial dispersion of the religious life of evangelical believers has its own explanation. First, the consequences of the repressive actions of the political regime directed against the leaders of religious organizations and ordinary believers in the mid-1930s were reflected. So, in 1935, an activist of the Perm evangelical Christian community was arrested, the leaders were sentenced to various prison terms and exile. Ordinary believers stopped gathering together in public places 9.

Secondly, the fragmented nature of the evangelical movement depended on a number of social and political processes in the second half of the 1940s.The realities of life of the majority of the Perm Kama Region population determined the conditions for the formation of evangelical groups. Here it makes sense to focus on reconstructions of the living environment of settlements where groups of Evangelical Christians were formed-Baptists, Pentecostals, Mennonites; to consider, using social optics, the situation of believers ' involvement in various social ties, interpersonal relationships, and their interaction with government institutions. The history of everyday life in the cities and towns of the Molotov region in the 1940s and 1950s is largely able to clarify the specifics of the development of religious minorities in the region.

The urban world of the Western Urals at the turn of the 1940s and 1950s was a bizarre mixture of different ways of life, political and social practices formed by the previous years of Stalinist industrialization, the hard times of war, and the authoritarian system of government. The policy of extensive development of the region's natural resources, the departmental interest of industrial enterprises led to the formation of peculiar settlements, which, according to official propaganda, were called "Soviet cities". A characteristic feature of these centers of administrative power, which were based on the economy of large enterprises and the power of punitive bodies, was the "patchwork" development of the territory, the attachment of individual workers ' settlements to factories, factories, and mines. The nomenclature worker in a closed reference frankly wrote about the urban problems of the region: "[Our] cities, " it said

9. Biography of Pavel Yefimovich Tsenev [manuscript]. 01.03 - 1957//GAPK. F. R. 1204. Op. 3. D. 92. L. 42 - 06 - 43 Derbenev A. Repressions of evangelical believers//The New Testament. 2001. N 07 (July). P. 5.; Years of Terror: A book in memory of victims of political repression. Part Three, vol. 2. Perm: Perm Book Publishing House, 2003, p. 112.

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in the reference of 1949, - for example: Gubakha, Polovinka, Solikamsk, Krasnokamsk, Chusovoy, etc. they still represent a conglomerate of many unsettled, cluttered settlements. " 10
Generalized data on the socio-economic development of cities in the Molotov region in the first half of the 1950s, which we find in the research of historians, show that the extensive expansion of cities to include villages and the construction of barrack microdistricts led to the fact that the main structural units of urban space were "working settlements". Built in factories or coal mines, consisting of barracks and barracks, private housing and dugouts, the settlements were not cities of an industrial society, but rather resembled industrial camps similar to those that emerged in the British Isles at the dawn of capitalism. 11
For the purposes of our research, it is important to emphasize that the most convenient structural unit for analyzing the social space in which Protestant communities developed is not the city as a whole or even one of the large administrative districts, but a "working settlement", a certain part of the city - the territory where most of the inhabitants worked at one enterprise.12
It is no coincidence, therefore, that in the reports of N. G. Muzlov, the Commissioner of the Board of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Kazakhstan, meetings of individual religious groups were linked to parts of the city, to village agglomerations. For example, in 1953, "the Gubakha city Executive Committee reported that <...> newly detected <...> in the village. A group of 60 Catholics on the mountain <...> and a group of Baptists consisting of believers in the upper and lower parts of the city " 13.

The composition of the population of the workers ' settlements was a motley picture of various categories of Soviet citizens who found themselves by fate in the enterprises of the Western Urals. In pain-

10. Quality of housing construction... The beginning of 1949 (established according to other documents).// PermGANI. F. 105. Op. 15. D. 510. L. 69.

Leibovich O. L. 11. Reform and modernization in 1953-1964. Perm: Perm University Publishing House; ZUUNTS LLP, 1993, p. 65.

Chashchukhin A.V. 12. School in the social space of Molotov (Perm) in the 1950s//Understand education... Historical, sociological, and anthropological essays on modern education in Russia/Ed. cand. Sociol. nauk N. V. Shushkova. Perm: Perm State Technical University Publishing House, 2009, p. 64.

13. Information report... for the fourth quarter of 1953. 14.01.1954//PermGANI. F. 105. Op. 21. D. 112. L. 55.

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Most of them were natives of rural areas, recruited by recruiters to work in factories and mines, or peasants who had fled from collective farms to the cities. During the years of World War II, the urban population of some industrial centers (Gubakha, Kizel, Krasnokamsk) grew 1.5 - 2 times 14. Evacuated and mobilized civilians were replaced at heavy industry enterprises, timber processing, and coal mining mines who left due to military mobilization. Among the workers and employees in considerable numbers, one could meet former prisoners of camps and special settlers who were restricted in their right to move around the territory of the region. The result of the social upheavals that migrants found themselves in was a violation of traditional cultural norms, significant demoralization and coarsening of morals. According to one police official, "the constant influx of labor recruited for industry and logging, the presence of correctional labor camps, colonies of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and special exiles create a tense operational situation in the regional center and on the periphery."15
By the way, the level of "hooliganism" of everyday life in the early 1950s in the cities and working-class settlements of the Molotov region was so high that in modern historiography it received a special name "Molotov syndrome".16
Thus, the lives of evangelical believers often intersected with a marginal environment. This was especially felt in the barrack enclaves of workers ' settlements. As a picture from nature, you can cite the entry processed by the journalist from the Baptist's story: "We lived at that time in a barrack, in one of the villages in Perm. It was not uncommon to hear scandals from neighbors on Saturdays and Sundays, and, of course, on paydays. I wanted to somehow push off from such people, contrary to the-

Tiunov V. 14. Thirty years of construction of the socialist economy in the Western Urals//PermGANI. F. 105. Op. 13. D. 175. L. 55.

15. About the work of the Molotov region Regional State Security Police Department. 02.07.1952//PermGANI. F. 105. Op. 18. D. 195. L. 123.

16. By the autumn of 1953, the criminal situation in the Molotov region was virtually beyond the control of the authorities. On February 27, 1954, the Minister of Internal Affairs and the Prosecutor General of the USSR had to report specifically to the top Soviet leaders about the situation with crime in the Molotov region. See: Kozlov V. A. Mass riots in the USSR under Khrushchev and Brezhnev (1953-early 1980s). 3rd ed., ispr. and add. m.: ROSSPEN; Foundation of the First President of Russia B. N. Yeltsin, 2010. Pp. 84-85.

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give them a different environment"17. The communal life of the barracks was filled with chaos of cultural practices of local residents, the border between public and private spheres of life almost did not exist. A showdown between spouses or conflicts between the inhabitants of barracks in front of the neighbors were commonplace. The consequence of all this was fear, a sense of insecurity from interference in personal life, mass rudeness, apathy 18. And regardless of who dominated in this environment, instead of collectivization of life, it was atomization, 19 erasure and disintegration of the usual images of human community. Thus, the social and cultural environment of the villages, largely marginal and chaotic, became the background for the formation of confessional groups. The creation of Protestant communities in this environment was a kind of response of Evangelical believers to the anomie of everyday life.

2

For the first time after the war, the religious activity of the inhabitants of working-class settlements was perceived quite neutrally by the lower layer of administrative workers. The social closeness of the "little bosses" to the common culture, immersion in the problems of the economic life of the settlements affected. Moreover, in the sphere of official state policy and political rhetoric, the "stamped Stalinist wording" of article 124 of the Constitution on freedom of religious worship and freedom of anti-religious propaganda prevailed.20 Public sentiments were associated with the hardships of post-war life, its unsettled state, but there was also hope for a softening of the political regime, which turned out to be " nothing more than an illusion. But the illusions were also real-

Tyulyandin E. M. 17. I saw the light again. Perm: Perm Book Publishing House, 1964, p. 6.

Lukash N. P. 18. Everyday culture of the Soviet sixties//Izvestiya Uralskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. 2007. N 48. pp. 120-126 [Internet resource]: http://proceedings.usu.ru/?base=mag/0048(04_02-2007)&xsln=showArticle.xslt&id=ai4&doc=.. /content.jsp

19 Sovetskaya obshchevnostnost': istoricheskiy i sotsiologicheskiy aspekty stanovleniya [Soviet everyday life: historical and sociological aspects of formation]. State University House-Higher School of Economics, 2010, p. 128.

20. Religion and the Church//The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The Great Soviet Encyclopedia, Stb. 1781.

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one of the components of the strategy of survival " 21.
There was nothing strange, for example, in the fact that in 1947-1948 groups of Orthodox believers in the large working-class settlement of Borovsk, administratively attached to the city of Solikamsk, repeatedly applied for the opening of a church to various state authorities. One of these groups in their statements "indicated that there were about 242 believers in the village" 22. These petitions were supported and certified by the chairman and secretary of the Borovsky Village Council 23.

The activity of the All-Union Council of Evangelical Christians-Baptists (VSEKHB), in turn, gave legitimacy to the appeals of Evangelical believers to regional commissioners with requests to hold prayer meetings and open prayer houses. In October 1946, a group of evangelical Christians in Molotov, perhaps for the first time, appealed to the commissioner for the region with a statement about the opening of a prayer house 24. The application was accompanied, as it should be, by a list of twenty and additional sheets with twenty surnames of believers.25 Judging by the preserved data, the Russian-speaking community united at least 40 people. Some of the believers were former members of the Perm Community of Evangelical Christians 26, which was closed in the mid-1930s.

The ratio of men and women in the composition of believers, if we take into account only these lists, was as follows: both men and 29 women. The majority of the community members were over the half-century mark of 27. Pensioners and housewives formed the main social group in this environment. By their presence on the list, they seemed to emphasize the cherished thesis of anti-religious freedom.

21. Mir mnozheniy sovetskogo cheloveka [The world of opinions of a Soviet person]. 1945_1948 years. Based on the materials of the Central Committee of the CPSU (b)//Domestic history. 1998. N 3. P. 26.

22. Gorbunov-Ignatiev. 26.01.1948/ / GAPK. F. R. 1351. Op. 2. D. 14. L. 10.

23. Ibid., l. 21.

24. Application form [manuscript]. 15.10.1946/ / GAPK. F. R. 1205. Op. 1. D. 60. L. 1.

25. Ibid., l. 1-ob, 2, 3.

26. This fact is confirmed, in particular, by the protocol signed by 62 members of the community in 1929 - the Minutes of the General Meeting of the Perm Community of Evangelical Christians held on 27 April 1929. Perm, b. g. (stored in the Perm Regional Library named after A.M. Gorky).

27. Application form [manuscript]. 15.10.1946 / / GAPK. F. R. 1205. Op. 1. D. 60. L. 1-ob, 2, 3.

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propaganda that religion is the lot of the outgoing generation, the "birthmark of the past".

The initiative group authorized E. I. Petrov, born in 1901, a non-working disabled person,to conduct business. "Among the twenty who signed the application," the document noted, "there are no persons underage or deprived of their voting rights in court." 28
But in the information reports marked "secret", the authorized representatives of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Kazakhstan for the Molotov region pointed out another specific feature of the composition of evangelical groups. It was especially often said that in such religious associations, believers are not "permanent" residents of the region29. Under this figure of silence, it was hidden that the religious group united special settlers.

In this regard, I would suggest that the" silence " of the secretaries of the district and city executive committees about the presence of unregistered religious groups of Baptists, Evangelical Christians, and Mennonites in the cities and towns of the Molotov region, which Commissioner N. G. Muzlov complained about, was explained by the following: the special settlement composition of Protestant groups was under the jurisdiction of the special commendatories of the Ministry of Internal Affairs-MGB. In 1948, the chairman of the Gubakha city Executive Committee ventured to make a request to the head of the city department of the MGB. He asked for information about religious officials "who go around the city and district villages illegally and without permission, and who correct the requirements in the homes of believers: baptize, perform funeral services, read, conduct organized divine services, and perform missionary work." 30 The State security officers did not consider it necessary to share information and recommended "contacting the Regional Department of M. G. B. on this issue" 31.

28. Ibid., l. 1.

29. Certificate-conclusion on the request of a group of EXB believers to open a prayer house in der. Mitrakovo Krasnovishersky district, Molotov region. 25.03.1949 / / GAPK. F. R. 1205. Op. 1. D. 268. L. 1.

30. Ignatiev - Alexandrov. 1910.1948 / / GAPK. F. R. 1351. Op. 2. D. 14. L. 24.

31. Sivkov to Gorbunov. 22.11.1948 / / GAPK. F. R. 1351. Op. 2. D. 14. L. 25. The question of the relationship between the regional commissioners of the ROC and the ROK SD and the bodies of the Ministry of Internal Affairs-MGB of Siberia in the second half of the 1940s-early 1960s was investigated by A.V. Gorbatov. In his opinion, " it was the State Security agencies that had the most complete and objective information about the life of religious communities and confidential information about religious leaders and activists, which was subsequently used in limited volumes mainly by the commissioner ,as well as party workers, propagandists, and journalists." A. V. The state and religious organizations

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We will focus here on one particular feature of the development of Ural cities (however, this was also typical for cities in Siberia and the Far East). We are talking about creating settlements for special settlers and subsequently including them in the city limits.32
Until the mid-1950s, special security zones existed in the mining industry centers and cities of the Western Urals, as well as in the mining settlements of the Kizelovsky coal basin, built up mainly in barracks, where the population worked at local enterprises. To control and manage the settlers, there were special commandant's offices of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. In the 1940s and 1950s, special settlers formally had all the rights of citizens of the USSR, except for freedom of movement. However, as you know, the real discrimination against deported people concerned not only freedom of movement.

By the beginning of the 1950s, the special administrative and legal regime applied to different categories of special residents was finally formed. During these years, the Molotov region was among the top five regions of the RSFSR in terms of the number of special settlers placed 33. In July 1950, up to 860 people were registered in the regional department of special settlements.34 Fluctuations in the number of registered contingents were observed from time to time, but the order remained unchanged. In a 1952 report, a police official reported: "In the Patriotic War and in subsequent years, 89,153 people arrived. "Vlasov", Germans, evicted from the Crimea, "Oun", Kalmyks, Lithuanians and "pointers" " 35. In other words, a significant part of the urban and rural population of the Molotov region were forced migrants who found themselves on the territory of the Perm Kama region.

P. S. Gorbunov, Commissioner of the Council for the Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC Council of Ministers) for the region, saw the direct mutual organization of Siberia in the 1940s and 1960s. Tomsk: Publishing House of Tomsk State Pedagogical University, 2008, p. 76.

Mazur L. N. 32. The Region of Exile: features of the formation and development of the settlement system in the Urals in the 1930s-1950s.//Document. Archive. History. Sovremennost': Sb. nauch. trudy, Issue 2. Yekaterinburg: Ural State University Press, 2002, p. 178.

Zemskov V. N. 33. Special settlers (according to the documentation of the NKVD-MVD of the USSR)//Sociological research. 1990. N 11. P. 10.

Suslov A. B. 34. Special contingent in the Perm region (1929-1953), Moscow: ROSSPEN; Foundation "Presidential Center of B. N. Yeltsin", 2010, p. 158.

35. About the work of the Police Department of the Regional State Security Department of the Molotov region. 02.07 - 1952//PermGANI. F. 105. Op. 18. D. 195. L. 122.

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the relationship between the special content being placed in the region and the growth of ritual religiosity in Orthodox parishes. For example, in the reference of 1949 it was noted :" According to the rites / baptism, marriages, burials, etc./ Kiesel occupies the first place among the parishes of the region. However, this religiosity cannot be attributed entirely to the indigenous population of Kizel, since a significant number of people from the western regions, the Crimea and others were brought to the city of Kizel. Among them, there are a significant number of believers"36. The formation of evangelical groups in the village agglomerations of industrial enterprises was also associated with special settlers. The intercessor from the village. Mitrakovo Krasnovishersky district in 1948 asked the commissioner of the SD of the Republic of Kazakhstan to register a community that focuses on the VSEKHB, uniting 20-30 people 37. In those years, the village of Mitrakovo and the nearby Morchany and Bahari were typical settlements in the north of the region, which included settlements of special settlers. As reported by eyewitnesses, back in the 1930s, a village of special settlers was organized near the villages. There were several barracks, a canteen, a bakery, and an office. ...The visitors were mostly from Ukraine. " 38 Local residents and stationed special settlers served the work of the Krasnovishersky Pulp and Paper Mill, the first-born of the" Stalinist five-year plans " built by prisoners.

According to the representative of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Kazakhstan, "most of the believers in the Mitrakov group of evangelical Christians are not permanent residents, but visitors from other regions of the USSR"39, in other words, special settlers, most of them Ukrainians, judging by the preserved lists. Thus, forced migrations in the region significantly changed the regional map of religiosity, revealing new loci of the evangelical movement.40
36. Reference on some issues of the activity of churches and religiosity in the districts of the region. 04.02.1949//PermGANI. F. 105. Op. 15. D. 153. L. 12.

37. Informatsionnyi otchet za III kvartal 1948 g.... 06.10.1948 / / GAPK. F. R. 1204. Op. 2. D. 2. L. 14.

38. Vishera's "Red Wheel" : Memories. Documents / Comp. by N. A. Bondarenko. Perm: Pushka Publ., 2008, p. 146.

39. Certificate-conclusion on the request of a group of EXB believers to open a prayer house in der. Mitrakovo Krasnovishersky district, Molotov region. 25.03.1949 / / GAPK. F. R. 1205. Op. 1. D. 268. L. 1.

40. See: Glushaev A. L. Special settlers and religious movements of the Perm Kama region (1940-1950s). 2012. N1. pp. 50-55.

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Russian Germans were a particularly discriminated category of settlers. More than a dozen 41 directive acts adopted by the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR and the State Defense Committee during the war years legalized the deportation, displacement and forced resettlement of an entire ethnic group. By the time the special settlement regime was dismantled in the mid-1950s, more than 52,000 ethnic Germans, 42 including children and the elderly, were living in the Molotov Oblast.

Religious Germans, including those who were evicted in the 1930s, "former kulaks" from German villages in Ukraine and the Volga region, and some of the labor army soldiers mobilized during the war, who were transferred to the category of special settlers in 1945-48, and Soviet Germans who were repatriated from Germany after the war, professed Catholicism, were supporters of Protestant denominations-Lutherans, Mennonites, by Baptists. Deportations and forced mobilizations of the German population effectively destroyed the church institutions that existed before. "Without priests, without preachers, in the corner of barracks and in dugouts," V. Weber wrote about the Russian Germans who were exiled during the war for the Urals, " they read to each other in whispers what they remembered. The services were held in a very narrow circle, often within the same family. " 43 In the future, the regime of special settlements and the lumpenized environment of working-class settlements led to the final reduction of church life, its archaization and the spread of non-institutional religious practices. Thus, in the absence of male priests, religious rites were performed by women. In the northern villages of the Cherdynsky district of the Molotov region, religious gatherings of German Catholics were led by women. They are kre-

41. Categories of evictees-special settlers were defined in accordance with directive acts. See: Leibovich O. L. In gorod M. Essays on the political everyday life of the Soviet province in the 40-50s of the XX century. Perm, 2009. p. 28-30.; Belkovets L. P. Administrativno-pravovoe polozhenie rossiiskikh nemtsev na spetsposelenii 1941-1955 gg.: Istoriko - pravovoe issledovanie [Administrative and legal status of Russian Germans in the special settlement of 1941-1955: Historical and legal research]. Moscow: ROSSPEN; Fund of the First President of Russia B. N. Yeltsin, 2008.

42. As of 01.11.1952 - 51277 people - Suslov A. B. Special contingent in the Perm region (1929-1953). p. 389. ; as of 02.04.1954-52507 people-calculated by the author on: Certificate of the presence of special settlers registered in the Department" P " of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Molotov region. 02.04.1954//PermGANI. F. 105. Op. 21. D. 142. L. 8-14.

Weber V. 43. Soviet Germans: save the faith in spite of fate//On the way to freedom of conscience/Comp. and general ed. Furman D. E. and O. Marka (Smirnova), Moscow: Progress Publ., 1989, p. 373.

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they raised children, married young people, and performed "other religious rites." 44
In the cities of the Molotov region - Molotov, Berezniki, Gubakha, Kizel, Solikamsk, Krasnokamsk, Nytva, Krasnovishersk, etc. - where the "specially registered" population groups lived compactly, Protestant communities eventually developed. They were based on a kind of religious fraternities of believers formed by the conditions of mobilization during the war, a special administrative and legal regime and the everyday life of settlement agglomerations of Ural cities. "Barrack communities" is an expression proposed by V. Zavatsky to describe the Mennonite and Baptist groups that emerged in the post-war years, 45 which successfully describes the specifics of such religious fraternities, regardless of the national composition of the groups. But among the Germans-special settlers, these communities became the most prominent phenomenon of religious life in the working-class settlements of the Perm Kama region.

The formation of religious barrack communities in the industrial areas of the Western Urals can probably be traced back to the appearance of Soviet German workers ' battalions in the Molotov region. In January-February 1942, on the basis of the decisions of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, the State Defense Committee and the instructions of the NKVD, the Germans were mobilized into working columns, which were sent to industrial enterprises, coal mining, timber farms, and fisheries. 46 Those mobilized to the labor army were not considered a repressed contingent.

In the autumn of 1942, almost a thousand mobilized girls and women arrived in Krasnokamsk, Molotov Oblast, to work at the oil plant, Molotovneftestroy, Kama Pulp and Paper Mill and other enterprises of the city. As the barracks and basements of the houses allocated for housing German women conscripted into the labor army are being built up, small communities begin to form. Confessional differences, in this case, played a secondary role. Former labor soldier P. Petere wrote: "The elderly remembered prayer chants, so as not to forget them, write them down.-

44. Lysenkov - Struyev. 12.06.1955//PermGANI. F. 105. Op. 22. D. 106. L. 13.

Zavatsky V. 45. Evangelical movement in the USSR after the Second World War, Moscow, 1995, p. 72.

46. See: Belkovets L. P. Administrative and legal status of Russian Germans on a special settlement in 1941-1955, pp. 153-176.

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they looked at the notebooks - yes, the usual notebooks of the boomkombinat, which, after all, could be obtained in the city of wallets. There were some workaholics who remembered old digital notes and filled up a lot of notebooks, arranged melodies in four voices and tried to slowly learn these songs, which helped tired and exhausted people. " 47
The public space of the barracks, where any gesture or spoken word could be interpreted as political sedition, reduced the manifestations of religiosity to elementary, background practices: brief everyday prayers, quiet singing of individual Gospel hymns, holidays of the general Christian calendar.

Later, in the post-war years, when the number of German special settlers was replenished by those repatriated from Germany, religious meetings of Mennonites, Baptists, and Lutherans became regular in the working-class settlements of Ural cities. "[In] the new settlement of the Magnesium plant in barrack No. 54, " reported the head of the propaganda department of the Solikamsk GC VKP(b),"<...> repatriated Germans gather, mostly on Sunday at 9-12 o'clock. Citizen Klein reads, and one old man named Ep Korneevich explains to the audience [what was read] (he is the leader)."48. The restoration of religious life in these barrack communities was facilitated by the continuing tradition of Protestant confession, which placed "emphasis on the idea of eternal predestination, on the inevitability and even goodness of suffering" .49 Fate was perceived as a divine expression of will, and only personal and unconditional faith was required. Moreover, Protestant preachers not only preached the gospel, but also created communities, close-knit groups of co-religionists, where everyone felt constant attention. For the German population of barrack enclaves of workers ' settlements in an environment of disintegration of family and personal ties, homelessness of everyday life and social discrimination-

Peters P. P. 47. "Let's show what we are capable of"//Germans in the Kama region. XX vek: Sbornik dokumentov i materialov v 2-x t. Vol.2. Publitsistika [XX Century: Collection of documents and materials in 2 volumes]. We are from the labor army. Perm: "Pushka" Publ., 2006, p. 111.

48. Document N403//The Germans in the Kama region. XX vek: Sbornik dokumentov i materialov v 2 t. [Collection of documents and materials in 2 volumes]. Book 2. Perm: "Pushka" Publ., 2006, p. 226.

Mitrokhin L. N. 49.Baptism: history and modernity (philosophical and sociological essays). St. Petersburg: Russian Academy of Arts, 1997. p. 397.

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It was the communal life of religious fraternities that made up for lost human ties and allowed them to speak their native language.

However, the conditions of the special regime to which special settlers had to submit made religious preachers of barrack communities very vulnerable. They were the most frequently targeted targets of the state security services. If the regime was tightened, as it was in 1946-1949, 50 the punitive authorities applied repressive measures to them. The Mennonite group identified in Solikamsk in 1947 was subsequently dispersed and demoralized by the arrests of preachers. Believers were charged with using religious beliefs in the fight against the Soviet government. Under pressure from investigators, an elderly Mennonite preacher, I. K. Penner, a German immigrant, "confessed" that while living in the occupied territory during the war years, he "used religious beliefs in his sermons."..> justified the existence of fascist power <...>". As a result of these sentiments, according to the investigators, I. K Penner "waged a struggle against the Soviet state "(underlined in the text of the document)51. Once in the Molotov region, the preacher said, "I was dissatisfied with my position in the special settlement, I considered my life difficult, and they wrote to me from America that they lived well there, and I believed this." 52
Behind the layers and script of the official language of the UMGB investigator, you can see the features of a frightened elderly man, whose fate was full of kinks caused by the social upheavals of the XX century. The preacher's "anti-Soviet" statements are difficult to interpret as calls for struggle and resistance. Moreover, Mennonites were opposed to violent actions. But the circumstances of life in the workers ' ghettos, the obvious discrimination on national and religious grounds were perceived in the coordinates of religious consciousness as a test of the Christian soul, and there was a desire to leave this sinful world.

The common people's critical perception of the authorities, their natural dissatisfaction with the everyday difficulties of everyday life and the tense criminal situation in the working-class settlements in the evangelical environment acquired the features of eschatological omens, which led to an increase in the number of prisoners.-

Belkovets L. P. 50. Administrativno-pravovoe polozhenie rossiiskikh nemtsev na spetsposelenii 1941-1955 gg. P. 190.

51. Document N223//Nemtsy v Prikamye [Germans in the Kama region]. Vol. 1. Kn. 2. p. 327.

52. Document N224. Ibid., p. 328.

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we were waiting for the feeling of "the last days". Together with I. K. Penner, a special settler E. K. Hubert, a worker of the Krasnaya Zarya artel in Solikamsk, was involved in the investigation. Being a Lutheran by religion, he joined the Mennonite community due to circumstances.53 According to him, during the interrogation, the investigator recorded:: "In my speech, I first read a few chapters from the Bible, and then began to talk about how we all should not forget that we live on earth for a short time, so we should pray to God for our future life. I also called on the faithful to pray for those people who are in prison, so that God will give them health and that they can safely return to our family. " 54 Quite ordinary religious opinions, which could be heard in any Protestant community. If it were not for the specific attitude of the authorities to this religious discord, it would not have turned into political sedition and would not have been a cultural and political phenomenon.55
According to the decisions of the regional Judicial Board in 1950-51, Mennonite preachers were sentenced to 25 years of ITL. In a cassation appeal to the Supreme Court of the RSFSR, the former stable boy of the Solikamsk children's sanatorium, I. K. Penner, wrote with some surprise:: "I ask the Supreme Court to take into account my advanced age (63 years old), a native of the peasants, illiterate, working as a blacksmith on the collective farm before my arrest in 1929. ...And also, having an illiterate education, whether I could pursue any policy against the Soviet government, while I did not understand and did not delve into the affairs of politics."56
It is interesting that in his unofficial dispute with the official ideology, the Mennonite preacher used the same system of ideas as the authorities.57 Emphasis on social proximity to the main social classes of the socialist state, low literacy as a justification for" political mistakes " in the Soviet Union.-

53. Document No. 226, 227, 228. Ibid., pp. 329-333.

54. Document N227. Ibid., p. 333.

55. Sedition: Dissent in the USSR under Khrushchev and Brezhnev. 1953-1982 Declassified documents of the Supreme Court and Prosecutor's Office of the USSR / Comp. V. A. Kozlov, O. V. Edelman, E. Yu. Zavadskaya. Edited by V. A. Kozlov and S. V. Mironenko, Moscow: Mainland, 2005, p. 7.

56. Document N225//Nemtsy v Prikamye [Germans in the Kama region]. Vol. 1. Kn. 2. p. 329.

57. On the nature of common anti-Soviet opinions, see: O. V. Edelman, " Red Flowers from Black Manure "( On the unity of the People and the Party)//Domestic notes. 2012. N1. pp. 284-293.

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they produced the main elements of the language world of the Soviet man of Stalin's time. And this is important to take into account when it comes to believers of barrack communities. The Soviet everyday life of the industrial centers of the Western Urals did not abolish the system of religious values, but rather integrated them in a bizarre way with the norms, rituals and stereotypes of Soviet ideology. The believers used the modern language 58, thought in terms of the Soviet "Newspeak" and hoped that the authorities really allowed them to pray freely. Expectations were often not met, but communities continued to exist.

At the turn of the 1940s and 1950s, Protestant barrack communities, along with traditional religious associations of believers at Orthodox churches and Old Believer chapels operating in the Molotov region, became almost ubiquitous in working-class settlements where special settlers, migrants from other regions of the USSR and local freelance workers lived compactly. It was community and neighborhood relations that were revived and transformed into religious groups.

Local reports said that in the village of Yayva, Aleksandrovsky district, "believers gather weekly in the barracks where the evicted Germans live and read the Bible, the gospel, and sing psalms. < ... > The group has up to 100 believers of both sexes." 59
Groups of Evangelical Baptist Christians gathered in Berezniki, a major industrial center in the Molotov region. "According to available information <...> [the congregation] reaches up to 130 people, while it is divided into two subgroups<...>": the Russian one, which was led by I. G. Pikulev, born in 1895, and A. D. Voronova, born in 1900, and the German one, whose preacher was R. K. Schlender, born in 1900. in a language like a social network. The faithful gathered in groups of 10 to 15 people-

58. Phrases from precedent texts of Soviet propaganda are particularly common in applications for registration of Baptist congregations in the 1950s, for example: "The Russian October Revolution proclaimed not only the equality of all citizens of the country, but also the equality of all churches and religions. We, the faithful, are deeply grateful to the party and government of our great motherland for a happy and joyful life, and for granting religious freedom to all churches and religious associations, including Baptists." - GAPK. F. R. 1204. Op. 1. D. 7. L. 1. However, the topic of the language used by Soviet believers is beyond the scope of this article and requires a separate study.

59. Informatsionnyi otchet <...> za 1 kvartal 1951 G. [Information Report < ... > for the 1st quarter of 1951].

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They also held prayer meetings in their apartments. The Russians "preferred" the barracks on Zayachy Gorka, while the German believers "preferred" the barracks in the 19th quarter and on the 1st precinct. " 60 As we can see, the composition of the Baptist community was not ethnically homogeneous. Religious groups kept in constant contact with each other.

According to the memoirs of an elderly believer of the modern Pentecostal community of Perm, which is part of the Union of the United Church of Evangelical Christians (UOC CEE), in the early 1950s, Germans-special settlers lived in the working village of Eranichi in Molotov. On Sundays, joint religious meetings of German Baptists and Evangelical Christians representing the Russian community of the city's ECB were held. In the "German barrack", two rooms were fenced off to accommodate the settlers, and on certain days they were used for prayer meetings.61
Evidence from archival documents of the 1940s and 50s and memoirs of Evangelical believers, as we can see, often linked Protestant communities with the specific social environment of barrack enclaves, in which believers, in particular German Baptists and Mennonites, found themselves. Religious fraternities existed in a compact space of believers ' life activity and were almost invisible to an external observer. As Commissioner N. G. Muzlov wrote, for example, about the Russian-speaking groups of evangelical Christians in the cities of Molotov and Berezniki, "they stubbornly deny the facts of holding prayers, indicate that they are going to 'visit'"62. The routine nature of these social and religious ties functionally replaced the evangelical community and its institutions, which were absent in the urban environment of the Perm Kama region in the post-war period.

60. Information report <...> for the third quarter of 1952/ / GAPK. F. R. 1204. Op. 2. D. 2. L. 223.

61. "United by the Holy Spirit": from the memoirs of M. A. Tsyurpita (Recorded and edited by A. L. Glushaev, March-April 20y)//Bulletin of the Perm State Institute of Art and Culture, 2010. N9, December. P. 98-103.; N. I. Babushkin, a preacher of Perm Pentecostals in the 1960s, recalled the meetings of barrack communities in the suburbs of Vorkuta: "A meeting is being held in this... like a barrack, the rooms have already been made ..." - Babushkin N. I., born in 1928 Authorized interview. 01-02.05.2004//Information provided by A. Chernyshev.

62. Information report <...> for the IV quarter of 1950/ / GAPK. F. R. 1204. Op. 2. D. 2. L. 94.

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3

Against the background of the political events and social reforms of the 1950s that followed Stalin's death in 1953, the regional authorities were surprised by the active missionary activity of Baptist preachers. In May 1955, a large prayer meeting was held in the working village of Yayva, a suburban area of the city of Alexandrovsk, Molotov region, which was attended by representatives of many groups of Evangelical Christians-Baptists of the region. The prayer meeting was a kind of official meeting of the leaders of religious groups, where they chose the senior presbyter for the region 63. And although this Baptist center did not last long, it demonstrated the ability of the evangelical movement to consolidate believers in a non-systematic way, even despite the decisions of the leaders of the All-Russian Orthodox Church and the control of state structures.

The abolition of the special settlement regime in the second half of the 1950s and the return of Protestant preachers from the camps made it obvious to the civil authorities that religious groups were active regardless of what was prescribed by law or the instructions of the Council for Religious Affairs. Thus, in the barrack enclave of the southern part of Solikamsk with the characteristic name "Rabochy Gorodok", according to archival documents of 1960, there were two unregistered religious groups of German believers: Baptists-40 people and Mennonites - 25 people. These groups were part of larger communities located in the northern suburbs, in the former Borovsk 64, which was administratively annexed to Solikamsk in 1959.

Regular meetings of Baptist and Mennonite barrack communities proved to be an effective mechanism for adapting and consolidating the German-speaking population, especially young people, in the specific conditions of long-term discrimination on the basis of nationality. A good example is the list of Baptist believers who gathered on August 6, 1960 "in the workers' town, in the barrack 6 sq. 14 near the village of Martene Anna

63. Information report... for the first half of 1956. 18.07.1956 / / GAPK. F. R. 1204. Op. 2. D. 7. L. 5.

64. Help. 21.10.1960 / / GAPK. F. R. 1205. Op. 1. D. 23. L. 185-185. P. 6.

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Petrovna " 65. The preacher in this group was G. I. Martene, born in 1924, a locksmith in the mining shop of the Solikamsk potash plant. Out of a list of 20 people, there were 17 women and 3 men. The fourth person not included in the list was the preacher himself. The names of many of those present spoke of kinship and family ties. All the believers, mostly young and middle-aged, lived in" German " barracks located close to each other (See Appendix 1).

Commissioner V. V. Belyaev, describing the communal life of the believers of this working village, noted:: "When visiting the apartments of Germans living in the village of Rabochy Gorodok in Solikamsk, the following picture emerged. Of all the people, Germans, with whom we had to talk at the place of residence (about 10 apartments), living in barracks, all were associated to some extent with religious sects. There is no radio, there are no lectures, agitators do not visit these barracks, in the apartments there are" appeals " from the Gospel, embroidered on mats, on towels, in frames, etc. with the following content:

- "God is love"

"I and my household will serve the Lord."

- "I found the best moments with the Lord", etc. Some believers with whom we had to meet and talk from the heart are extremely fanatical " 66.

The spontaneous activity of the religious population caused the traditional reaction of local authorities, however, without the use of mass violence. Times have changed. From this point of view, the anti-religious campaign of the late 1950s looks more like a search for mechanisms for managing self-imposed institutions. A clear emphasis in the unfolding political campaign was placed on denouncing and controlling "sectarians" 67, which included evangelical communities in places of compact residence of believers. Protestant preachers were summoned to local executive committees, and after a short conversation, "receipts" were selected to stop "sectarian activities".

65. Khalturin-Belyaev, 18.10.1960 / / GAPK. F. R. 1205. Op. 1. D. 23. L. 180.

66. Document N413//Nemtsy v Prikamye [Germans in the Kama region]. Vol. 1. Kn. 2. p. 253.

67. T. K. Nikolskaya sees this as the peculiarity of Khrushchev's anti-religious campaign, noting that " the ideology of that time was clearly anti-sectarian in nature." Nikolskaya T. K. Russkiy protestantism i gosudarstvennaya vlast v 1905 - 1991 godakh [Russian Protestantism and state Power in 1905-1991]. Saint Petersburg: Publishing House of the European University in Saint Petersburg, 2009, p. 176.

page 275
meetings". All this was similar to the well-known procedure used in the special commandant's offices of settlements, when in 1948 criminal liability was introduced "for escaping from places of compulsory and permanent settlement of persons evicted to remote areas of the Soviet Union during the Patriotic War"68.

Among other things, the administration of workers ' settlements used mechanisms of "mutual responsibility"in its daily control practice.69 At the head of the barracks, which in the official language were called "communal houses", were placed commandants from among the residents. There were elected house committees (domkoms) that regulated household and economic issues inside barracks dormitories. The functions and responsibilities of these collectivist institutions partly reproduced the basic elements of communal life in the rural world. Commandants and house committee members were supposed to discipline the residents of barracks, and they were charged with the duty to monitor the reliability of the inhabitants of barrack enclaves. Therefore, as noted in the certificate for the city of Nytva in the Molotov region, from "communal houses, where there were also cases of fees in apartments for prayer of Germans, the commandant of the barracks Bauman, domkom Weiss and others were called <...> they were instructed not to allow fees in apartments for prayer" 70.

However, in the village life of the second half of the 1950s, the influence of religious barrack communities in the German-speaking environment was quite strong. "When the deputy of the Nytvensky district Council Berg Anna Emmanuilovna, - reported the commissioner for the region V. V. Belyaev, - began to conduct active public work among citizens living in the village of Kama shipyard (suburb of Nytva), many of her friends immediately turned away from her, stopped greeting. They conveyed their dislikes and warnings verbally through her husband, who is also a believer. Forced Berg A. E. to write

68. The Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR " On criminal liability for escapes from places of compulsory and permanent settlement of persons evicted to remote areas of the Soviet Union during the Great Patriotic War "of 26 November 1948 legalized the" permanent relocation " of all categories of special settlers. - See, for example: Belkovets L. P. Administrative and legal status of Russian Germans on a special settlement in 1941-1955. pp. 218-223.

69. On the use of the archaic instrument of "mutual responsibility" in the management of Soviet society, see: Hosking D. Rulers and victims. Russkie v Sovetskom Soyuzu [Russians in the Soviet Union], Moscow: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2012.

70. Savchuk to Belyaev. 17.09.1957 / / GAPK. F. R. 1205. Op. 1. D. 23. L. 81.

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a statement of resignation from her deputy powers, which she did"71. In the village of Rabochy Gorodok, Solikamsk, where the German Mennonite and Baptist barracks communities were close-knit and active, the local red Corner club was temporarily closed under pressure from believers. And the radio that transmitted Soviet music was broken by unknown people.

Over time, a cultural conflict emerged within the German ethnic group, which arose as a result of archaization and the understandable alienation of the discriminated ethnic group from the prevailing cultural norms. Analyzing the cultural situation that developed among the German workers and mining settlements of the Western Urals in the 1940s and 50s, O. L. Leibovich notes that in these years "German culture is a hotbed of traditionalism, a return to the practices and beliefs of early Protestantism. Naturally, in this capacity, it alienated many young people who received Soviet or secular education, thereby strengthening assimilation processes. " 73
The drama of the cultural divide of the late 1950s in Germany was exacerbated by anti-religious propaganda, which accused the preachers of barrack communities of creating a closed national environment based on religion. In particular, it was about Mennonites. As the regional propagandist of atheism E. M. Kremzer wrote, "the Mennonite teaching in our country is not only religious, but also nationalistic." 74 As a result of his propaganda work, as E. M. Kremser admitted in a private conversation with the commissioner, "many Germans who used to know me well turned away from me, but now they don't say hello" 75.

The future fate of barrack communities and religious brotherhoods of evangelical believers was determined, on the one hand, by the general processes of socio-economic development of the cities of the Western Urals. The massive construction of housing that began in the late 1950s gradually changed the appearance of cities. Barrack microdistricts were replaced by areas of typical development. Rel-

71. Document N407//Nemtsy v Prikamye [Germans in the Kama region]. Vol. 1. Kn. 2. p. 237.

72. Document N413. Ibid., p. 254.

Leibovich O. L. 73. Foreword//Nemtsy v Prikamye [Germans in the Kama Region]. Vol. 1. Kn. 1. P. 20.

Kremzer E. M. 74. Followers of Menno (On the religious sect of Mennonites). Perm: Perm Book Publishing House, 1960, pp. 4-5.

75. Document N413//Nemtsy v Prikamye [Germans in the Kama region]. Vol. 1. Kn. 2. p. 254.

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The rapid normalization of life in the 1960s allowed many believers to acquire their own housing and private homes. The barrack socio-cultural environment has degraded, finally turning into a zone of social exclusion.

On the other hand, the anti - religious campaign of 1958-1959 and the administrative practices of local authorities aimed at restricting the religious life of Protestant groups forced many believers to migrate to other regions of the country. Former special settlers, natives of Ukraine, left for their homeland. The German population of the cities of the Western Urals, including Baptists, Pentecostals, and Mennonites, in most cases moved to Kazakhstan, the Orenburg Region, and other regions of the USSR. Someone managed to emigrate abroad. The decline of German Baptist, Mennonite, and Lutheran communities was most noticeable against the background of migration processes in the early 1960s.

If, according to the data of 1958-1959, there were 59 Protestant communities and groups in the region, uniting 2,220-2,320 believers, then the data of a one-time accounting conducted in the fall of 1961 indicated the presence of 37 Protestant groups and 1,161 Evangelical believers.76 Of the 8 Mennonite congregations in which about 400 German believers gathered, 2 (117 people) remained; 4 Lutheran congregations (200 people) were reduced to 2 groups (30 people); the number of Evangelical Baptist Christians, about 1,200 believers in mid-1958, decreased to 720 people by 196277.

Summing up, it should be noted that the barrack religious fraternities of evangelical Christians-Baptists, Mennonites-arose in the specific conditions of industrial settlements in the Western Urals of the post-war period. Special regime territories, weak mobility of the population of working settlements due to the lack of infrastructure and the attachment of labor to industrial enterprises and coal mines, repressive political practices did not allow a community of evangelical believers to form in cities. Protestant barrack communities that appeared in the settlement environment of the industrial centers of the Molotov region functionally replaced religious institutions of various evangelical movements. Here is a special place by coincidence

76. Report note... 26.06.1958/ / GAPK. F. R. 1204. Op. 2. D. 7. L. 172; Reference. 27.10.1960//PermGANI. F. 105. Op. 27. D. 133. L. 59-60; Sheets of one-time accounting. Form N1/ / GAPK. F. R. 1204. Op. 3. D. 47. L. 11-73.

77. Ibid.

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It was occupied by German communities of Evangelical Christians-Baptists, which were formed mainly in barrack enclaves of working-class settlements. By 1958, 28-29 Baptist groups were active in the Perm Region, bringing together about 1,200 believers, including 15 groups that were completely German (about 900 people). In the same localities, where there were relatively few" German citizens", they were included "in religious associations of evangelical Christians-Baptists together with citizens of other nationalities".78. Subsequently, some of these groups split up or merged with larger religious communities in the region.

However, it should be noted that the Protestant barrack communities of the Germans served as a kind of enzyme in the process of forming the evangelical movement in the Perm Kama region after the Second World War. And here we should agree with V. Zavatsky, who noted the leading role of Soviet Germans in the wave of religious revival in the second half of the 1950s. 79

Bibliography

Archive materials

State Regional Budgetary Institution "State Archive of Perm Krai "(GAPK).

F. R-1204 (Commissioner of the Council for Religious Affairs under the Council of Ministers of the USSR for the Perm region, 1925-2000).

F. R-1205 (Commissioner of the Council for the Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church under the Council of Ministers of the USSR for the Perm region (Perm), 1929-1966).

F. R-1351

State Regional Institution "Perm State Archive of Modern History "(PermGANI).

F. 1 (Perm City Committee of the CPSU, Perm, Perm region, 1919-1991).

F. 105 (Perm Regional Committee of the CPSU, Perm, Perm region, 1932-1992).

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Appendix 1

Compiled from: "List of participants of the gathering, sectarians-Baptists in the working town of Solikamsk in barrack N6 in sq. 14 of those present on August 6, 1960" / / GAPK. F. R. 1205. Opl. D. 23. L. 183-184.

N

Last name, first name, patronymic

Year of birth

Place of work

Place of residence

1

Penner Anna Yakovlevna

1909

housewife

barrack 6 sq. 15

2

Brown Renata Andreevna

1905

-

barrack 6 sq 18

3

Falkinstern* Lilya Andreyevna

1939

-

barrack 5 sq. 6

4

Renata Rengoldovna Schnarwasser

1938

Trust N8 plot-2 plasterer

barrack 6 sq. 4

5

Zimens Lilya Germanovna

1936

SMZ HPR-
plasterer

barrack 6 sq. 14

6

Schiller Martha Eduardovna

1924

ZHKO SMZ, zhilgroup

barrack 5 sq. 9

7

Freilich Erna Eduardovna

1923

Shoe workshop

barrack 5 sq 13

8

Martenet Lilia Eduard.

1931

SMZ RSU-zhilgroup

barrack 5 sq. 4

9

Herta Augustovna Schiling

1909

housewife

barrack 2 sq. 26

10

Leven Susana Davydovna

1942

Trust N8 SU N1 painter

barrack 2 sq. 19

11

Leven Elizabeth Petrovna

1906

housewife

-

12

Falkanstern* Herbert Robertovich

1930

k / kombinat, mining shop electric locomotive driver

barrack 5 sq. 6

13

Gibler Rudolf Arturovich

1930

k / kombinat

barrack 6 sq. 16

14

Gants Roman Augustovich

1924

k / kombinat

barrack 5 sq. 14

page 282
N

Last name, first name, patronymic

Year of birth

Place of work

Place of residence

15

Falkanstein * Elena Petr.

1899

pensioner

barrack 5 sq. 6

16

Shparvat Iza Ivanovna

1897

housewife

barrack 6 sq. 4

17

Zimler Elena Davydovna

1927

does not work

barrack 2 sq. 19

18

Gants Lina Robertovna

1924

housewife

barrack 5 sq. 14

19

Leven Elizabeth Davydovna

1945

not learning

barrack 2 sq. 19

20

Martene Mar. Ivanivna

1897

does not work

barrack 5 sq. 15

* That's right-Falkenstern. Established: Germans in the Kama region. XX vek: Sbornik dokumentov i materialov v 2 t. [Collection of documents and materials in 2 volumes]. Book 2. Perm: "Pushka" Publ., 2006, p. 205.

page 283


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Alexey Glushaev, "Without preachers, in the corner of barracks...": Protestant "barrack communities" in the Perm Kama region of the 1940s and 1950s // Bishkek: Library of Kyrgyzstan (LIBRARY.KG). Updated: 08.12.2024. URL: https://library.kg/m/articles/view/-Without-preachers-in-the-corner-of-barracks-Protestant-barrack-communities-in-the-Perm-Kama-region-of-the-1940s-and-1950s (date of access: 09.02.2025).

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