The Cossacks have been prominent in the history of Eastern Europe since the mid-16th century. Cossack communities and settlements, not to mention wandering bands of rogue Cossacks, existed before among both Turks and Slavs . But as an active, active and organized force, they begin to be recorded from the end of the 1540s in the correspondence of the Russian diplomatic department-the Embassy Order with the Nogai Horde. This nomadic power, having emerged on the "ruins" of the Golden Horde, finally took shape at the end of the XV century on the territory of modern Western Kazakhstan. Its center was the steppes along the banks of the Yaik River (Ural), where the only Nogai city that survived from the Golden Horde times was located, Saraychuk ( Saraychik)-the residence of the Nogai biy rulers.

The earliest mention of the Cossacks on the Don is apparently contained in the Continuation of the Chronograph of 1512 to 1548, when the Putivl and Sevryuk people under the leadership of Mikhail Cherkashenin and Istoma Izvolsky founded a fortification - "prison" on Perevolok 2 and defeated a detachment of Azov Tatars there .3 The next time the local Cossacks appear, apparently, in the memory (instructions) of I. B. Fedtsov, the Moscow ambassador to Biy Sheikh-Mamai in February 1549. After holding all protocol events, negotiations and distribution of "wake" (offerings) he was to ask Biya for a secret audience and inform him, among other things, that Tsar Ivan IV, out of allied duty ("for your friendship"), "ordered the Crimean ulus to fight with his Cossacks of Putiml and Don" 4 . This measure was planned by the tsar as a sign of solidarity with the Nogai Horde after the terrible defeat of its cavalry by the Crimean Khan in the winter of 1548-1549.

The Cossack question turned out to be very relevant for the Nogai elite. Fedtsov did not find Sheikh Mamai alive, and a new biy Yusuf entered into correspondence with Moscow about this. During 1549-1551, he repeatedly complained about the outrages of "Cossacks and Sevryukov who are sitting on the Don", considering them tsarist subjects. They robbed and smashed Nogai embassies in Russia and trade caravans. The Cossacks were based in the towns they found on the Don in three and four places... done it." They were led by a certain Sary Azman (Tatar or Nogai, judging by the name). Tsar Ivan Vasilyevich made excuses that the Donets did not obey him, they were runaway people who settled in the steppe without his knowledge. He promised biy to execute the robbers if they were caught, and suggested that he do the same .5

Researchers, as far as I know, have not yet been able to find earlier information about the Don Cossacks and unanimously recognized the above data as the first information about it. Moreover, the literature noted the insincerity of the tsar: in fact, he had at his disposal the means to influence the Donets (we will see this later). As early as 1550. they took part in repelling the Nogai raid on the Ryazan region and, together with the tsarist troops, defeated Mirziyoyev .

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Until the middle of the 16th century, the Nogai nomads extended mainly to the east of the Volga River. Later, as a result of civil strife and natural disasters, more and more residents of the Nogai Horde began to move to the right bank - the "Crimean side". The settlement of the Volga areas by Nogais inevitably led to the activation of their contacts with the Don Cossacks. In the late 1550s and early 1560s, these contacts were apparently mostly peaceful, as there were no complaints from Mirzas about the Donets people during these years. The main economic and military aspirations of the Cossacks were directed to the Azov and Crimea; poor nomadic settlers were of no interest to them. On the contrary, they sometimes joined forces with them to attack the possessions of the Crimean Khan and his vassals .7

At that time, the Trans-Volga nomads were much more worried about the Volga Cossacks, who settled in the secluded places of the Samara Luka, the lower reaches of the Samara River and the Big Irgiz 8 . They begin to appear in documents from the early 1550s. According to the report of the Russian ambassador P. Turgenev, in the spring of 1551, the emissary of the Turkish Sultan in the Nogai Horde, listing the troubles that had befallen the Nogais recently, also called the Cossack expansion: they de "both banks of the Volga were taken away from you and your will was taken away, and your ulus are at war" 9 . The free Volzhans, like the Donets, plundered Nogai embassies and caravans, and Ivan IV tried to calm them down. In January 1553, he reported to Biy that he had ordered them to be "brought back" from the Volga, and Biy Ismail was informed a year later that the captured Cossacks were executed in the presence of his ambassadors in Moscow. "And those that the Cossacks are now running away from us and burying on the Volga" - those the tsar promised to exterminate during his planned campaign against the Astrakhan Khanate, "as soon as the ice passes" (in order to send an army on ships against them) 10 .

But subsequent events showed that the Volga freemen poisoned the life of nomads for a long time, and the Russian authorities could not cope with it.

Although earlier documents do not directly indicate the existence of Volga Cossack communities, it is possible to find indirect data about them. Mirza Qel-Mohammad b. 11 Urak complained to the tsar in 1538 that in recent years the Cossacks had robbed his ulusniks three times. Ivan IV replied: "And you don't know: where are the dashing ones? Many Cossacks go to the field: Kazan, Azov, Crimean and other pampered Cossacks, and our Ukrainian Cossacks, mixed up with them, go. And those people like you tati, so we tati and rozboiniki. And no one teaches them anything about the famine, but after they have done something famously, they leave for their own lands. " 12 Here the inhabitants of different regions are named, but not the Volga region. However, the Kel-Mukhammed nomads were located in the Volga region, and one can guess that they were attacked by just those Cossacks who operated on the banks of the Volga (but did not settle permanently yet, judging by the words of Ivan IV).

By the time of the conquest of the Astrakhan Khanate (1556), the Volga Cossacks were already a fairly organized force that the Russian government sought to use. It instructed them to attack mirz-opponents of biy Ismail, while advising him to take his uluses away so as not to provoke dashing young men to ruin them. Ataman Lyapun Filimonov participated with his soldiers in the September campaign of the voivodes to Astrakhan in 1556. 13 The following year, he was assigned to guard Perevoloka, "so that the Cossacks did not steal and did not come to the Nagai ulus," but was soon killed by those from whom he was guarding the crossing .14 However, more often the Volzhans served as a source of irritation and anxiety for nomads. The same Lyapun led away to polon "ulus people" 15 . The tsar threatened to deal with the raiders 16, but he still did not get around to practical actions.

Over the next two decades, the Nogai Horde's relations with the free Cossacks steadily deteriorated. Communities and gangs on the Volga became more crowded and aggressive. The Cossacks stole horses from the ulus and robbed the population. The Mirzas complained to Moscow, regarding the Volzhans as tsarist subjects. Posolsky

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the order on behalf of the sovereign wrote "in Nagai" about reprisals against robbers, but at the same time assured that these robbers did not obey anyone, including the king .17 However, soon, in the early 1580s, it became clear that the government was still able to influence the Cossacks. They were assigned the task of standing at the crossings and helping ambassadors and messengers from the east (primarily from the Nogai Horde) to move to the right bank and back. A letter from Ivan IV dated March 5, 1581, was sent to the atamans on this point. 18 I do not know for certain whether the Kremlin intended to reward the Cossacks in any way for this service, but some caravans did cross the Volga with their help and on their ships. However, often the carriers did not disdain to rob the embassies or protect them from robbers who flew in from the steppe. The Nogai were indignant, the government, as always, promised to investigate and" bring the perpetrators from the Volga", but for the time being refrained from mass punitive measures: those who were not involved in the robbery of the Cossacks "for what to bring?" In addition, the Russian side had counter-claims: the Volga people transported the Nogais to the opposite bank, "as their own", and those who found themselves on the Crimean side, united with the Azovites and Crimeans and attacked the "Ukraines" 19 .

Be that as it may, it is clear from the sources that the freewoman agreed to follow the royal instructions only in cases where they promised benefits, enrichment. And if so, it is clear that the ban on attacking nomadic uluses did not meet with support (so far I do not take into account Moscow's double diplomacy and its interest in militarily weakening the Nogais during the quarrel between Biya Urus and the tsar in the 1580s). Looting continued, and in 1580-1581 the famous later Ermak participated in them .20 The situation escalated, complicated by Biya's anti-Russian policy. The culmination of the Cossack-Nogai confrontation was the defeat of stolny Saraychuk.

The news of the raid on Saraichuk is contained in a report from the Crimean messenger I. Myasoedov dated March 24, 1576. At the beginning of 1574 ("in the great goveyn of summer 7082"), Nogai ambassadors came to Bakhchisarai and reported to the Khan: "We fought... Moscow people took us, Sarachik and the ulus fought" 21. On April 8, 1576, a letter was delivered to the Crimean Khan Muhammad-Giray II from the head of the Small Nogai 22 Gazi b. Urak, where he reported that biy Din-Ahmed informed him about the arrival of the Kazakh Hakk-Nazar Khan to the Nogai Horde, who "Sarachik I also took them (Big Nogaev. - V. T.) beat them, and they ran away from the Yurt " 23 . As in 1574, biy asked the Crimean ruler for help; but Ghazi added on his own behalf that Din-Ahmed "wrote this letter, omanyvayuchy tsar" Muhammad-Giray. Apparently, the same events were implied in the words of Din-Akhmed to the Russian ambassador in July 1577: "Before that, the imperial people came to Sarachik and cursed my dead father" 24 . As you can see, the raid on the capital Nogai was clearly attributed to Moscow, or "sovereign" people, that is, Russian. The presence of the Kazakh "Aknazar Tsar" in Gazi's letter seems to be the result of a misunderstanding of information: in the news from Din-Akhmed, the word "Cossacks" was perceived by the clerks of the Small Nogai Horde as Kazakhs led by their then sovereign Hakk-Nazar. I think that Saraychuk and the surrounding ulus were first destroyed in 1573 by the Cossacks, not by the Kazakhs .25 According to some sources, these were serving Cossacks of the Astrakhan garrison, sent to Yaik in revenge for the participation of the Nogai cavalry in the invasions of the Crimean Devlet Giray on Moscow in 1571 and 1572. Nogai designated the attackers as "sovereign people", clearly linking Ivan IV with responsibility. "In the past years.".. Cossacks from Astarakhani came, and Sarachik was ravaged, " Urus 26 claimed .

The free Volga Cossacks have long coveted the winter headquarters of the Mangyt rulers. In August 1581, B. Tomeyev, a serving Tatar, arrived in Moscow, a companion of the ambassador V. Perepelitsyn, who left for Urus in the spring. Tomeyev told about Biya's rudeness during the reception of Russian ambassadors and quoted Biya's words: "They came... the sovereign's Cossacks

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this summer (emphasis added. - V. T.) and Sarachik fought and burned. Not only were the living flogged , but the dead were pulled out of the ground and their coffins were littered. And that was a great vexation to us. " 27 In the Urus letter brought immediately, it was said that the Cossacks "now, this summer (emphasis added by me. - V. T.) When they came, they burned the shed and destroyed it. " 28 "This summer " in the mouth of Urus in this case means 989 AH, which lasted from February 5 to December 27, 1581, or the year of the Snake (October 1580-September 1581). Since Perepeliny appeared for an audience before biy approximately in the middle of June 29, the events of interest to us occurred in the spring of 158130 (from the words of Urus, it can be understood that the capital was not just burned, and the ambassador on the way to the nomadic headquarters did not notice traces of Cossack raids).

"Saracik has been ravaged by your people, and we want to build a city," Mirza Dinbay b. Ismail wrote to the tsar in 1581. 31 " And now, this summer ... Sarachik was burned and ravaged, " Urus echoed in the letter quoted above, implying that the attack of 1581 was also carried out by Astrakhan Cossacks. Perhaps he really believed that the villains had come from Astrakhan. However, the local governors would not have taken such a blatant step without the sovereign's approval, and there is absolutely no evidence of their involvement in the events of 1581. Joining the unanimous opinion of historians, I am inclined to attribute the attack on the steppe capital in 1581 to the free Cossacks, who were driven out of the Volga by the punitive expedition of stolnik I. Murashkin in 1577. Ivan the Terrible finally ordered the bandits to be driven out of the Volga banks, and they began to disperse to the outskirts of the steppe or further into the steppe. One of the migration routes ran in the direction of Yaik - the main, domenic Nogai nomads. Perhaps it was these Yaitsky new settlers who defeated Saraychuk 32 .

The Moscow government, on the one hand, did not try too hard to dissuade the Steppe people from subordinating the Cossacks to the tsar, but on the other, it refused to take responsibility .33 The boyar verdict in September 1581 definitely formulated: "But we didn't send them to Sarachik and the Volga; the Cossacks themselves stole them." 34 The same version was contained in the recommendations of the tsar to the Astrakhan voivode V. F. Bakhteyarov-Rostovsky, who had to answer possible questions from Urus: "Our Cossacks did not go to Saraychik, but stole; runaway Cossacks came to Saraychik, who, fleeing from us, live on the Grater, on the sea, on the Eik" 35. Attempts were also made to blame the raid on the "Lithuanian" Cossacks who came from the Dnieper .36

However, no matter how hard Moscow tried to use the new situation to pacify the Nogai, the very fact of unauthorized aggression of the Volga region was so bold and threatened such a serious aggravation of relations with the steppe that Ivan IV decided to punish the Cossacks after all. It was ordered to send troops from Kazan and Astrakhan to the Volga and Don, to search for and execute "thieves", to free the full Nogais, and to return the cattle stolen by the Cossacks to the ulus .37 The tsar expressed dissatisfaction with the Perm merchants Stroganovs, who sheltered in their forest possessions those atamans and Cossacks who "quarreled with the Nagai Horde, beat the Nagai ambassadors on the Volga in haste, and robbed and beat the Ordobazars and repaired many robberies and losses with our people." 38 Urus was asked to send his detachments to exterminate robbers on the Volga and Yaik. Biy readily agreed, and the 1581 shert record prepared for him contained mutual obligations of the Russian and Nogai sides "to execute those thieves, finding them... above those thieves... promyshlyati zaodin " 39 .

The repression of the voivodes forced the Volzhans to moderate their militant fervor, but looting and robberies against caravans and embassies continued. New refugees from Russia, ravaged by the Oprichnina and the Livonian War, came to replace the Cossacks "shot down" from the Volga, and all new gangs went out to "play pranks" in the steppe and on the ferries. Still considering them Moscow subjects, the authorities of the Greater Nogai Horde regarded this as a deliberate policy of a western neighbor. Nogai ambassadors complained

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to the Crimean khan at the beginning of 1586: "And Moscow... now he has been conquered with us, and we have suffered great distress from Moscow. Now he has committed many Cossacks on the Volga, and the Nagaiskie ulus has destroyed many, and from the Volga they are (ulus. - V. T.) recaptured all of them... And now the Cossacks went to war on Nagai for the Buzan River and for Eikom bottoms with three fought on the river on Em (Embu. - V. T. ) . And to them (nogai. - V. T.) from the Moscow people forward to live unmochno " 40 . Captured nomads were sold in Astrakhan to Central Asian merchants, who transported them "to Bukhara". Among the raiders, according to the story of Urus to Ambassador I. Khlopov, was allegedly the brother of the Astrakhan voivode, who was killed by whips in a skirmish .41 This conflict caused another irritation of biya and the suspension of diplomatic relations with Moscow.

Moscow still refused to acknowledge its connection with the Volga Cossacks:

"If thieves do this without our knowledge, just as they beat your [unintelligible] people, so they beat our ship's men." 42 Under the pretext of protection from violent robbers, the Russian side convinced Nogaiskaya of the expediency of building new cities on the Volga, primarily Samara. As in the early 1580s, the Nogai elite was asked to join forces in the fight against the Volga freemen and deal with them with a joint blow .43

Is it possible to find any traces of the involvement of Moscow diplomacy in the defeat of Saraychuk? Examples of contradictory explanations of the Russian authorities in this regard were given above. Yet Ivan IV's repeated attempts to completely distance himself from the 1581 raid do not seem convincing in the light of certain reservations in some documents. The government sometimes recognized the Cossacks as its subjects, but acting without their knowledge .44 At the same time, the tsar threatened that if Urus did not stop attacking the "Ukraines", then "we will order you to fight yourself and your ulus with the Cossacks of Astarakhansky and Volsky, and Don, and Kazan, and Meshchersky -and I will annoy you over yourself and not so much (as over Saraychuk. - V. T.) will commit"; "we will send many streltsy and Cossacks to the Volga and Yaik, bolshie your army with a concave battle" (emphasis added. - V. T.). But then, contrary to himself, Ivan distanced himself from the Cossack outrages: "And we already have today our Cossacks unyati nemochno", that is, the idea of an independent initiative of the Volga people in the destruction of the capital of the Horde was repeated 45 .

In general, historiography has established a belief in Russia's involvement in the Trans-Volga events of the late 1570s and early 1580s. The Cossacks turned out to be, in the words of R. G. Skrynnikov, "a bargaining chip in the diplomatic game." Their anti-Nogai actions received the highest approval, but as soon as the Great Nogai Horde began to once again appeal to an alliance with Russia, the terror unleashed against the nomads was declared criminal, and Moscow began to crack down, wanting to stop it .46 The Cossacks really served as a powerful tool of Moscow to pacify the Nogais, which has also long been noticed by historians .47 First, the main uluses led by Biy moved beyond the Yaik, since "the Volga Boyattsa has warriors living from the Volga Cossacks" 48, and thus the danger of their raids on Russian territories decreased. Secondly, finding a merciless and indefatigable enemy at their side, who, if he listened to anyone's instructions, then only to Moscow's, the higher mirzas were inclined to think about restoring an alliance with Moscow in order to protect themselves from predatory invasions. Ambassador T. Aristov in 1580 heard from the" ulus people "a significant phrase:" And really the sovereign orders the Cossacks to take away the Volga and Samar, and the Eik, and us... all from the Cossacks of the abyss-our uluses and Zhon and children poemlyut, and us... Where are the children?" 49 The same ulusniki told another ambassador, V. Glebov, a year later: "On the Volga... and there are many Cossacks on Eik, and they make us feel very cramped, both for ourselves and for our animals. And really... Go ahead on the Volga and on the Eika will be the Cossacks, and us... they will be the kindest of us. " 50 By the end of the 1580s, Urus and his closest associates had restored good neighborliness-

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relations with Russia. But the Cossack problem remained. And the main headache for Bolshye Nogai at the end of the XVI century. were the settlements of the Cossacks on the Yaik.

The scientific point of view on the Volga origin of the Yaitsk Cossacks can be considered established 51 . At the same time, the most common opinion about the initial date of their settlement is 1577 - the defeat of free communities on the Volga by Ivan Murashkin. 52 In favor of such an interpretation of the genesis of the Ural Cossacks, some evidence can be found in the sources. In 1586, Biy Urus and Nuradin (the main military commander of the Horde) Said-Ahmed detained Russian ambassadors because, in particular, the Yaitsk Cossacks were raiding ulus. The order to the next Moscow ambassador, who was then equipped for the Nogai Horde, contained an explanation: "The runaway Cossacks who lived on the Volga and our ship's people were beaten and robbed, and we ordered them to be caught and played around with. And they, zbezhav he our army on Yaik, yes Urusov ulus pogrom " 53 (emphasis mine. - V. T. ). Folklore data on the settlement of Yaik by the Donets do not differ from similar information and most likely reflect one of the later stages of the formation of the Cossacks in the Southern Urals.

Legends call different numbers of aliens-from forty people to six or eight hundred people . Modern researcher V. N. Darienko uses an equally wide quantitative range, estimating the population of early Cossack communities on Yaik from several tens to six or seven hundred people .56 The last figure is mentioned in the charter of Urus to Tsar Fyodor Ivanovich in 1586, which reports the arrival of six to seven hundred Cossacks on Yaik .57

The organization of the Cossacks in the geographical center of the Nogai Horde hardly differed much from the social structure on the banks of the Volga they left behind. The main occupation continued to be raiding near and far neighbors, and in peacetime settlers hunted and fished. A new type of military fishing was sea travel along the northern coast of the Caspian Sea; the base of sea raids was the island of Sara58 . A meager and harsh existence in an extremely hostile environment of embittered nomads forced them to lead a truly Spartan existence. According to legend, even efforts were made to regulate the number of communities: children born to multilingual captives were killed at first, "so as not to be discovered through them and not to have any difficult hindrance in anything." 59

The communities were headed by atamans, who numbered eleven in the late 1580s. 60 . They led groups on raids and campaigns. Obviously, at that time the Cossacks did not yet form an organized hierarchical structure. It was only at the very end of the 16th century that the unification of disparate groups of the Yaitsk Cossacks into a single Army began and was completed in the first half of the 17th century .61

Communities were concentrated around fortified settlements-towns. In 1586. Urus informed the king that the newcomers had set up "the city of bolshoi on Yaik, and they had repaired a lot of bad things from that city." 62 Astrakhan voivode F. I. Lobanov-Rostovsky in the same year reported that " delivered... The Cossacks on Yaik have three small towns " 63 . Finally, the article list of the ambassador to Turkey B. Blagoy cites the words of the Nogai ambassadors at their talks in Bakhchisarai in January 1586:" On the Volga and on the Eik, and on the Yomi River, [the Cossacks] put up many towns " 64 . In some historical traditions of the Urals, the Oreshnoye tract at the mouth of the river with the significant name Rubezhnaya, a tributary of the Yaik, about forty versts from the later Uralsk, appears as the place of the first settlement. There they spent the winter, and in the summer they went down to the sea for robberies .65 According to other legends, the Cossacks first chose to live in the area of Kosh-Yaik on the island at the confluence of the Ileka with the Yaik and founded a Blue town there. Another early settlement was in the Kolorotny tract, sixty versts below Uralsk 66 .

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This uneasy neighborhood caused Biya and Mirz to feel fear and anxiety. Moscow was flooded with requests to remove the new settlers from Yaik. The tsar promised to help, but he could not do anything: the Ural steppes were still too far from Russia, and they formally belonged to the Bolshoy Nogai at that time. And then the latter set out to tackle the issue on their own.

The immediate cause of the conflict was a Cossack raid in 1586 on the ulus near the ruins of Saraychuk, mass killings of people and cattle theft; two spiritual hierarchs, Said, were killed in the attack,and Sister Urusa was captured. 68 Biy announced the mobilization of the entire Nogai militia in order to attack the enemy with maximum strength ("let's work together on the Cossacks!"). Nuradin of the Horde Said-Ahmed moved to Kosh Yaik from the west. The approach of the Urus army was planned from the eastern side. Before the end of the campaign, both were detained at their Moscow embassies. In case of victory, the Nogais were going to release the ambassadors and go to roam near Astrakhan under the supervision of the local voivodes. If the steppe warriors were defeated, they intended to sell the ambassadors into slavery and migrate to the Syr Darya. The goal of the campaign was not only the defeat and destruction of the Cossacks, but also the destruction of the Blue Town. Nuradin came to Yaik much earlier than Urus. Together with his sons Biya Khan and Jan-Arslan, he engaged in skirmishes with the Cossacks for eight days and, without waiting for the Urus militia, went back. After a while, Biy himself approached Kosh Yaik with a large army. The town was surrounded, but its inhabitants were not going to give up ("and they have water and ships, and horses, and animals near them," so they were not in danger of starvation). The Kosh-Yaik people successfully fought back by firing wooden, hastily made cannons, loading them with stones and bones. Cossack legends add that at night the Nogais tried to get close to the island town by boat. Seeing that it was not possible to starve out the fortress, Urus ordered to build a "fire" with which he was going to light the wooden walls. But a downpour of rain came down, and I had to give up the idea. In the rain, there was no time to fight. The nogais "got wet and stopped drying." At this moment, the Cossacks made a sortie, "dividing into six", completely defeated Biya's army, and even drove his herds back to the steppe .69

Contrary to the original plans, Urus did not go to the Syr Darya. The humiliating and utter debacle had completely upended his plans. He dismissed the envoys and moved to shertovat (i.e., to conclude a treaty with the tsar) to Astrakhan. Another important consequence was, oddly enough, the warming of relations between the Nogais and the Cossacks. The former realized that they no longer had enough power to reclaim Yaik, and the latter needed economic cooperation with the nomads who had long ago mastered these steppe spaces. Objectively, peaceful coexistence was also driven by the fact that the economic structures of both countries almost did not intersect, and this created the ground for both the absence of hostility over land and the mutually beneficial exchange of information . An old Ural Cossack song recalls those times: "On the island of Kamynin... The old men live there for ninety years, The old men are in harmony With the obedient Horde, With the Golden Horde " 71 . It is possible that the Cossacks began to pay the Mirzas some semblance of yasak for the use of their ancestral lands .72

In any case, by the end of the 16th century, a fairly peaceful situation was established in these places, which allowed the government to decide on the foundation of a voivodeship on Jaik and the construction of a full-fledged powerful fortress. Late autumn of 1594 or 1595 73 Voivode Zh. Vladimirov and Streletsky head S. Obraztsov led a ship's caravan with construction materials and streltsy by sea from Astrakhan. The timing was unfortunate. Winter was approaching, and the ships were frozen in the ice at the mouth of the Yaik. The then Biya Nogaev Uraz-Mukhammed planned to deal with the helpless Russians: "That... from time immemorial the eternal land is ours, and our grandfathers are old nomads. And ruskim... liudem hto toe land gave?!". Most of the aristocrats supported him, but

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The influential Mirza Kanai B. Dinbai opposed it. He not only dissuaded the congress of nobles from attacking the caravan, but also undertook to help the Russians. For three months, "having harnessed his thousand camels to carts," he transported people, property, and logs for the fortress walls to the shore of the lake . With the arrival of spring, the voivode took up the task, and the Egg Town (future Uralsk) rose in the former Nogai steppe. U raz-Muhammad in 1596 shared his discontent with the Crimean Khan: "To live... I don't feel bad about Moscow. Set it up... on Yaik there is a city and cemeteries... He took our money away from us." 75

As a result of the gradual Cossack expansion that began in the last quarter of the 16th century, as well as the Kalmyk invasion, Yaik was lost to the Big Nogais. At first, the Cossacks avoided obeying Moscow or provincial governors and kept to themselves. In the summer of 1614, they sheltered the rebellious ataman I. Zarutsky, who had fled from Astrakhan, with his Nogai hostages-amanats, and did not obey the demands of the Astrakhan authorities to extradite the rebels. As a result, the Streltsy detachments moved to Yaik, " many Cossacks were beaten and their town was taken, and they were razed to the ground, and banners and potion (gunpowder. - V. T.), and saltpeter was caught " 76 . From that time on, the Yaik inhabitants did not dare to conflict with Russia, and in the chaos caused by the Kalmyks ' offensive and the Nogai retreat, the Cossacks secured a strip of land ten versts wide along the right and left banks of the river; pastures at the mouths of the Yaik tributaries - Sakmara, Ileka, Chagan-were shared by the Cossacks, Nogais, etc. Kalmyks, Bashkirs and later Kazakhs 77 .

Communities of Volga Cossacks in the XVII century were sparsely populated, but very aggressive. Their inhabitants fell on the ruined Nogai ulus, and moved in ploughs, causing little damage due to the inability of nomads to repel attacks from the river (biy Ishterek admitted this). Just like decades ago, the voivodes claimed that they were "thieves" who did not obey the sovereign, and suggested that the Mirzas exterminate them in solidarity with the Russian Archers. Defenseless nomads, scattered across the steppes and banks of the lower Volga channels, were easy prey, so the Volga Cossacks did not want to move to the Don army and considered it more profitable to live independently, to come to the Big Nogai and smash them - that's why... being on the Volga, they want Kormitz " 78 .

Another center of concentration of the Cossacks - the Quiet Don-in the XVI century. so far, the Big Nogai Horde did not cause significant trouble because of its remoteness. Nevertheless, with the gradual penetration of the Trans-Volga nomads on the Crimean side, they began to come into closer contact with the Donets. As for the Small Nogais, they certainly had to face the Don Cossacks before. As early as April 1561. Ivan IV wrote to Ismail that in response to Biya's complaints about the Kazyiv raids, "we ordered Don to be our Cossack over him (Gazi b. Urak. - V. T.) trade as appropriate " 79 . The next most recent mention of the Donets in Nogai affairs dates back to 1581, when the shert record for Urus was compiled. It contained mutual obligations of the tsar and biya "thieves of the Volga and Don Cossacks, finding kaz-niti" 80 . The same provision was contained in the shertyakh of Urus, Nuradin Said-Ahmed and Mirz dated 1586. 81 However, the information analyzed above shows that the main participants in the anti-Nogai actions beyond the Volga were the Volga Cossacks, and not the Don Cossacks (the latter are practically not mentioned in the Nogai - Russian correspondence about the looting and destruction of Saraychuk). At that time, the Big Nogai communicated with the population of the Don more often, however, about the enmity with the Small Nogai. The Donets attacked the Kazyevites both independently and in alliance with the Trans-Volga horsemen. According to the tsar's recommendations. They were supposed to transport large Nogais across the Don, and Small Nogais were supposed to block the road when they raided Russia or take revenge for such raids .82 At the end of the 16th century, significant human resources had already accumulated on the Don. There was a thirty-one go standing there-

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The Cossacks also had four fortified settlements on the Khopra River and three on the Medveditsa River .

By the 1630s, the Don region was centralized and an Army was formed. Before the reign of Mikhail Romanov, the Don Cossacks were independent of Russia, and relations with them were generally irregular until the second half of the 1610s .84 Since 1629. all official correspondence between Moscow and them was conducted through an Embassy Order addressed to the Don Army and its atamans .85 Its recognition as an independent military-administrative structure was first recorded, apparently, in the royal charter of October 22, 1625. 86

The military prowess and relative discipline of the inhabitants of the Don coasts, as well as their geographical proximity to the Crimea, prompted the government to look for ways to attract them to its side and for its own purposes - to "serve". The latter was to collect information about the activities of the Turks in Azov, the Crimean people and other peoples in the area from the Caspian Sea to the Dnieper. As for the Nogais, they were ordered to persuade them to go under the patronage of the sovereign, and over the dissenters "to hunt and repair everything", as well as to recapture the Russian polon from them (for such actions, the Cossacks received ammunition from Russia). The diplomatic functions of the Cossacks consisted in searching the Mirz pastures and transferring royal letters to them, guarding and escorting eastern embassies, including Nogai ones, through the steppes (in 1615, for the careful performance of this task, the Donets were granted free, i.e. duty-free, trade in border towns) .87 The Don people were not particularly willing to take on the duties of guides and couriers. With great pleasure, they were ready to smash steppe camps, and the Russian administration was more than once forced to dissuade them, convincing them of the inexpediency of raids .88 However, the most coveted object of attack in the eyes of the Cossacks was still considered not the poor caravans of cattle breeders, but the Turkish fortress of Azov. The only loot that the Nogai could attract them with was polon, for which it was possible to get a ransom. An example of such an operation is the rescue of the grandson of Kazyevsky Biya; for him, the Don people demanded five thousand altyn and agreed on four hundred horses and three hundred bulls .89

It is not surprising that the Mirzas repeatedly asked to" bring " the restless neighbors from the Don. The Moscow government always refused, sometimes referring to the lack of control of the Don people, sometimes to their loyal service and lack of reasons for eviction ("But there will be no proper correction before the Tsar's Majesty, and the tsar's Majesty orders to add more atamans and Cossacks to the Don") .90

Sometimes communication took absolutely conflict-free forms. Mirzy and ulusniki went together with the Cossacks to the Crimean, kazyevtsy and Azovtsy. Honey, seines, boats, and iron cauldrons were brought from the villages to the ulus in exchange for the products of the pastoral economy .91

The main indicator of interaction between Nogais and Donets was their mixed residence. In the 1620s, information about the "Don Tatars" appeared. The Ottoman dignitary Ibrahim Pasha in 1624 asked the tsar to forbid them to attack the Crimean possessions, but two years later they together with the Cossacks again raided . In November 1627, Russian ambassadors in Bakhchisarai told local courtiers that there were "not a single Russian people living on the Don-Tatars, Circassians, and Lithuania; many are not Stolko Cossacks, Skolkovo Cherkas and Lithuania, and Totar" 93 . It was the latter who mediated in the communication of Don residents with Large and Small Nogais, when " po... the sovereign's letters were sent many times... from the Army of their Don Tatars " for negotiations 94 . Over time, the Don Tatars formed one of the administrative divisions of the Don Army and settled a special Tatar village, where there was a mosque 95 . They served on a par with other Cossacks and were governed by the principle of the Cossack circle. S. V. Chernitsyn's assumption that the majority of this group of Cossacks were natives of Nogai-

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This is confirmed by the only reference I have encountered to the tribal (elevoi)Horde. their accessories: "Don Tatars of Kenegezh kinship", that is, Nogai ale keneges 96 . These Tatars were formed from prisoners of war and voluntary single settlers or entire uluses (especially in the late 1630s) 97 . A Cossack legend connects the beginning of the mass Nogai migration to the Don with a romantic story. Nogai Prince Ishterek, who roamed in Prikumye, decided to cure his sick daughter in the healing springs of the Don. There the Cossack chieftain Sary-Azman saw the princess and fell in love with her. At night, the girl ran away to him from Ishterek. He started to give chase, but fell from his horse and fell to his death. Most of the Nogais, his subjects, then went to Sary-Azman and became free Cossacks .98 However, there were cases of Cossacks leaving for the Horde, as evidenced by the "instructions" given by the Cossacks when enlisting in the sovereign service. They contained, among other things, an obligation not to travel "to Nagai" 99 .

In general, Nogai-Cossack relations fluctuated between open hostility and forced neutrality. No matter how contacts with individual communities developed, the Steppe people perceived the Cossacks as an alien force that settled on their ancestral lands. In the shert agreement drawn up by Mirza Khan b. Urus in 1590 (I think the last one to contain such a clause), there is a demand to the Moscow tsar "to bring all the Cossacks from the Volga, the Eik, and the Don, so that our ulus will not suffer any loss from them" 100 . However, this was not feasible and unacceptable for Moscow.

During the 17th century, the Don and Ural Cossack communities grew and strengthened. The remnants of the Nogai Horde were getting weaker and weaker. Scattered uluses dispersed in different directions, trying to get attached to the Crimeans, Ottomans or the same Cossacks. Numerous Nogais served as one of the ethnic foundations of the Cossacks, bringing to its environment the features of the steppe way of life and nomadic culture.

notes

1 From the latest research, see, for example: Khoroshkevich A. L. Rus ' i Krym: Ot soyuza k oppozniyu [Russia and the Crimea: From the Union to Confrontation]. The end of the XV-beginning of the XVI centuries. Moscow, 2001. pp. 308-312.

2 Perevoloka - the place where the Volga River is closest to the Don, and where Tsaritsyn was founded in 1579.

Mininkov N. A. 3 Don Cossacks in the Late Middle Ages (before 1671). Rostov-on-Don, 1998, pp. 78, 341, 342.

4 Embassy books on Russia's relations with the Nogai Horde. 1489-1549. Makhachkala, 1995, p. 285.

5 Ibid., pp. 295, 307, 308, 327; Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts (hereinafter-RGADA). F. 127. Op. 1. D. 4. L. 9 vol.

6 See: Pronstein A. P. On the history of the emergence of Cossack settlements and the formation of the class of Cossacks on the Don / / New about the past of our country. In memory of Academician M. N. Tikhomirov, Moscow, 1967, p. 169. Mirzy (murzy) - Nogai nobility.

7 See: RGADA. F. 127. Op. 1. D. 5. L. 210; Lyzlov A. Scythian history. Moscow, 1787. P. 60.

History of the Samara Region. From the earliest times to the Great October Socialist Revolution. Saratov, 1987, p. 35.

9 RGADA. F. 127. Op. 1. D. 4. L. 39 vol.

10 Ibid., l. 159, 209 vol.

11 B.-the usual designation of the Arabic " ibn " (son)in Russian scientific literature as an element of a Muslim name. Qel-Mohammed b. Urak - Qel-Mohammed son of Urak. Embassy books on Russia's relations with the Nogai Horde, pp. 230, 231.

13 RGADA. F. 127. Op. 1. D. 4. L. 70, 70 vol.; Solov'ev S. M. Sochineniya [Works]. Book III. Moscow, 1989, p. 472.

14 RGADA. F. 127. Op. 1. D. 5. L. 4, 4 vol.; Complete collection of Russian chronicles. Vol. 13. Part 1. SPb, 1904. p. 283.

15 RGADA. F. 127. Op. 1. d. 4. L. 380; D. 5. L. 33.

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16 Ibid. d. 5. l. 37 vol.

17 See, for example: ibid. d. 8. l. 384 vol., 390 vol., 391; f. 137. Op. 1. d. 137. l. 366 vol.

18 Ibid. f. 127. Op. 1. d. 9. l. 330 vol. - 331 vol.

19 See: ibid. d. 9. l. 167 vol., 173, 196 vol., 266, 267 vol. - 268 vol.; d. 10. l. 127 vol., 128, 141 vol., 142.

20 Ibid. d. 10. l. 110 vol.. Ill; Preobrazhenskaya, A. A. Some of the results and issues of studying the beginning of the annexation of Siberia to Russia (about the book R. G. skrynnikova "Siberian expedition Ermak") // history of the USSR. 1984. N 1. S. 110.

21 RGADA. F. 123. Op. 1. D. 14. L. 256.

22 Malye Nogai (Malaya Nogai Horde, Kazyev Ulus) is a political entity created in the North-West Caucasus by immigrants from the Nogai Horde in the second half of the 16th century. After the founder of the Small Horde, Mirza Ghazi, its inhabitants were often called Kazyevs. The main territory of the Nogai people in the Trans-Volga region has been called the Bolshaya Nogai Horde (Bolshye Nogai) since the 1560s.

23 RGADA. F. 123. Op. 1. D. 15. L. 32 vol.

24 Ibid. f. 127. Op. 1. d. 8. l. 4 vol.

25 The message of the Big Nogais to Khan Devlet-Giray, retold by I. Myasoedov, stated that they succumbed to his, khan's, persuasions that Moscow was taken by him, and took part in the campaign against Russia (hence, in the second invasion of Devlet-Giray, held in 1572)... the tsar caught the wives and children of the Muscovites themselves in the field and burned our yurts " (RGADA. F. 123. Op. 1. D. 14. L. 256). Consequently, the destruction of the Horde took place after the campaign of 1572. The dates suggested by V. N. Darienko and E. P. Savelyev are 1570, 1571, and 1572. (History of the Cossacks of Asian Russia, Vol. 1. Yekaterinburg, 1995, p. 22; Savelyev E. P. Who was Ermak and his companions. Historical research. Novocherkassk, 1904, p. 49) - they seem too early. The widespread opinion in historiography that the Cossacks ravaged Saraichuk in 1577 is also unfounded. The quoted statement of Din-Akhmed in July 1577 about this incident clearly implies an incident that took place "before", that is, before the events that biy spoke about before - the Nogai attack on the Alatyr and Temnikovo places in 7085 (1576/1577).

26 RGADA. F. 127. Op. 1. D. 10. L. 140 vol. The first raids of Russian Astrakhan residents on the Saraychuk area were recorded in 1560.

27 Ibid.

28 Ibid., l. 145.

29 N. Aksakov, who was sent simultaneously with Perepelitsyn to Bey B. Sheikh-Mamai, was received by Mirza ten days before Petrov's Day, that is, on June 19, 1581 (Ibid., l. 149 vol.).

30 A. A. Preobrazhensky convincingly dated the same date (spring - early summer 1581) when Ermak stole a herd from Mirza Uraz-Muhammad ( Preobrazhensky A. A. Edict, op. p. 113). Apparently, Ermak's raid occurred during the general offensive of the Cossacks on Bolshye Nogai.

31 RGADA. F. 127. Op. 1. D. 10. L. 134 ob.

32 See also: Alektorov A. E. Istoriya Orenburg gubernii [History of the Orenburg Province]. Orenburg, 1883. p. 9; Levshin A. I. Istoricheskoe i statisticheskoe obozrenie uralskikh kazakov [Historical and statistical review of the Ural Cossacks]. St. Petersburg, 1823. pp. 9, 10. There are no documentary grounds to attribute the raid of 1581 to the Don Cossacks (see, for example: Popov A. Istoriya o Donskom voiskom [History of the Don Army]. Ch. 2. Kharkiv, 1816. P. 4; Mininkov N. A. Ukaz. soch. P. 82; Rynkov P. I. Istoriya Orenburgskaya (1730-1750) [Orenburg History (1730-1750)]. Orenburg, 1896. P. 34; Savelyev E. P. Decree. op. p. 49). F.'s statement is equally unfounded. Langworth claims that Saraichuk was looted by Yermak's associate Ivan Kolts ( Langworth Ph. The Cossacs. L., 1969. P. 53). Ivan Koltsov is mentioned in the embassy report of Vasily Perepelitsyn. In the summer of 1581, this Cossack served on the Volga ferry near Sosnovy Island and transported the ambassador together with the Urus mission to the right bank (RGADA. F. 127. Op. 1. D. 10. L. 141 ob.). I do not know about the involvement of Koltsov-Koltso in the capture of Saraychuk. The boyar verdict in September 1581 provided for finding the" thieves " of Ivan Koltso and his comrades and delivering them to Meshchera, but not at all for the destruction of the city, but as a punishment for looting the Nogai embassy on that very ferry (RGADA. F. 127. Op. 1. D. 10.L. 153, 153 vol.).

33 The decision of the tsar and the Boyar Duma in May 1581 mentioned the events of 1573: "And as with the Crimean tsar nagaiskie many people were at Moscow, and the sovereign's people a few Astarakhan Cossacks without the sovereign's orders visited Sarachik..."(RGADA. F. 127. Op. 1. D. 10. L. 59 vol. - 60).

34 Ibid., l. 155.

35 Ibid., l. 247 vol.

36 Ibid. l. 29, 37 vol., 120.

37 Ibid., l. 29, 38, 271.

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38 Acts relating to the history of the Don Army, collected by Major General A. A. Lishin. Vol. 1. Novocherkassk, 1891. P. 2; Additions to historical Acts, collected and published by the Archeographic Commission. Vol. 1. SPb., 1846. P. 184.

39 RGADA. F. 127. Op. 1. d. 10. L. 207, 271; op. 2. D. 18. L. 2.

40 Ibid. f. 89. Op. 1. d. 2. l. 404 vol.; F. 123. Op. 1. D. 16. l. 11.

41 Ibid. F. 127. Op. 1. 1586 g. d. 8. l. 4, 5.

42 Ibid. d. 4. l. 6.

43 Ibid. d. 10. l. 28; Op. 2. D. 19. l. 1, 2; D. 20. l. 2.

44 Ibid. Op. 1. d. 10. l. 59 vol., 60, 65, 65 vol.

45 Ibid. l. 37 vol., 46 vol., 65 vol., 271 vol.

Skrynnikov R. G. 46 Siberian expedition of Ermak. Novosibirsk, 1982. pp. 78-81; see also: Preobrazhenskiy A. A. Edict. soch. pp. 113, 114; Sergeev V. I. Istochniki i puti issledovaniya sibirskogo pokhoda volzhskikh kazakov [Sources and ways of studying the Siberian campaign of the Volga Cossacks]. Aktual'nye problemy istorii SSSR [Actual problems of the history of the USSR], Moscow, 1976, pp. 33, 34.

47 See, for example: Skrynnikov R. G. Decree, op. p. 81; Howorth H. H. History of the Mongols. From the 9 th to the 19 th century. Pt. 2. N.Y., 1965. P. 1039.

48 RGADA. F. 127. Op. 1. d. 10. L. 127-127 vol., 265 vol., 266.

49 Ibid. d. 9. l. 157-157 vol.

50 Ibid. d. 10. l. 265 vol.

51 See, for example: Alektorov A. E. Decree, op. cit. p. 9; Bekmakhanova N. E. On the question of the ethnic composition and political history of the Nogai Horde and Kazakhstan in the XVI-XVII centuries / / Historical and geographical aspects of the development of the Nogai Horde. Makhachkala, 1993. P. 86; Karamzin N. M. Istoriya gosudarstva Rossiiskogo [History of the Russian State]. Book 3. Vol. 10. Moscow, 1989. p. 42; Levshin A. I. Decree. op. p. 9; Ryabinin A. Ural Cossack army. Part 1. St. Petersburg. 1866. P. 4: Savelyev E. P. Istoriya Dona i donskogo kazachestva. Part 2. Novocherkassk, 1918. P. 108; Solov'ev SM Edict. soch. Kn. III. p. 262.

52 V. F. Mamonov, on the contrary, believes that the Murashkin raid has nothing to do with it, and the settlement of the Yaik coast was part of a gradual Cossack expansion ( Mamonov V. F. Istoriya kazachestva Rossii, Vol. 1. Yekaterinburg; Chelyabinsk, 1995, p. 178).

53 RGADA. F. 127. Op. 1. 1586 g. d. 10. L. 31.

54 See: Georgi I. I. Description of all peoples living in the Russian State, Part 4, St. Petersburg, 1799, p. 223; Nebolsin P. I. Some remarks about the Ural Cossacks / / Bulletin of the Russian Geographical Society for 1854. Book 6. St. Petersburg, 1855, pp. 203, 204; Popov A. Edict. op. p. 4; Rynkov P. I. Edict. op. p. 34; Ryabinin A. Edict. op. p. 65.

Karamzin N. 55 Decree op. p. 42; Popov A. Decree op. p. 4; Markov P. I. Decree op. p. 34; Ryabinin A. Decree op. p. 7.

Darienko V. N. 56 Community on Yaik in the XVII-first quarter of the XVIII century. Issue 6: Problems of the history of the Russian Community. Vologda, 1976. p. 49.

57 RGADA. F. 127. Op. 1. 1586 g. d. 8. L. 9, 10.

58 Materials for the history of the Astrakhan region in the XVII century, stored in the archive of the Astrakhan provincial government / / Journal of the Ministry of National Education, 1835. Part 7. N 7. P. 59.

Georgi I. I. 59 Decree. op. p. 223. According to V. N. Darienko, the family of the Yaitsky Cossacks appears only in the first half of the XVII century. (Darienko V. N. Decree, op. p. 54).

Karpov A. B. 60 Uraltsy. Historical Essay, part 1. Uralsk, 1911, p. 82.

Darienko V. N. 61 Edict. soch. P. 49.

62 RGADA. F. 127. Op. 1. D. 8. L. 9, 10.

63 Ibid., 1586, d. 1. L. 19.

64 Ibid. f. 89. Op. 1. d. 2. L. 404.

Alektorov A. E. 65 Decree. op. p. 9; Levshin A. I. Decree. op. p. 10, 11; Rynkov P. I. Decree. op. p. 34.

Bely A. 66 Na kraye Rusi [66 On the edge of Russia] / / Na Yaik gorodok, na Urale-gorod. Local history materials. Uralsk, 1988. p. 3; Borodin N. A. Ural Cossack host. Statistical description in 2 vols. Vol. 1. Uralsk, 1891. p. 1, 2; Karpov A. B. Edict. soch. p. 42; Ocherki istorii SSSR [Essays on the history of the USSR]. The period of feudalism. XVII century Moscow, 1955, p. 271.

67 See, for example: RGADA. F. 127. Op. 1. 1586 g. D. 10. L. 24; 1587 g. d. 4. L. 10; D. 5. L. 16.

68 Ibid., 1585 g. d. b / N. l. 3; 1586 g. d. 5. l. 2.

69 Ibid., 1586, d. 1. l. 21, 22, 32; d. 5. l. 2, 3; Karpov A. B. Edict. op. p. 42.

Darienko V. N. 70 Edict. soch. P. 51.

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71 Cit. by: Popov S. A. Secrets of the pyatimars. Essays on the ancient and medieval history of the Orenburg steppes. Chelyabinsk, 1971. p. 165.

72 Information about" tribute "and" pay-off " has been preserved in Cossack legends-see: Karpov A. B. Decree, op. p. 194.

73 Mirza Kanai b. Dinbai in 1617 recalled these events, referring them to the reign of Boris Godunov, that is, to 1598-1605. But he also said that "at that time there was Urmamet the prince in the Nagaisk nomad, and Nuradin-Tinmamet mirza" (RGAD. f. 127. Op. 1. 1619, d.2. L. 115). In this case, we were talking about the period 1590-1598. In addition, according to the Categories, the Streletsky head S. F. Obraztsov was sent with the voivode to build a city on Yaik in 7103 (1594/95) (Local reference book of the XVII century. Vilna, 1910, p. 33). Already in May 1596, Uraz-Muhammad informed the Crimean Khan that a new city on Yaik had been built by the Russians (RGAD. F. 123. Op. 1. D. 21. L. 670). Thus, the historical episode in question could have occurred in the winter of 1594/95 or 1595/96.

74 RGADA. F. 127. Op. 1. 1619 g. d. 2. L. 99-101, 115, 116.

75 Ibid. F. 123. Op. 1. d. 21. L. 670.

76 Ibid. Op. 1. 1614 g. d. 3. l. 3, 4, 12.

Bekmakhanova N.E. Decree. op. P. 86.

78 Acts of the time of False Dmitry the 1st (1603-1606). Moscow, 1918. p. 139, 140; RGADA. F. 127. Op. 1. 1604 g. d. 3. l. 189-192; 1619 g. d. 1. L. 30.

79 Ibid. f. 127. Op. 1. d. 5. l. 21 vol.

80 Ibid. Op. 2. d. 18. L. 2.

81 Ibid. d. 19. l. 1, 2; D. 20. l. 2; Op. 1. 1586 g. d. 8. l. 15.

82 Acts relating to the history of the Don Army. p. 4; Materials for the history of the Don Army. Novocherkassk, 1864. p. 3, 10. Sobranie gosudarstvennykh gramotov i kontraktov, khranyashchikhsya v Gosudarstvennoy kollegii inostrannykh dela [Collection of state documents and agreements stored in the State Collegium of Foreign Affairs]. Ch. 2. Moscow, 1819. p. 126.

Mininkov N. A., S. I. Information on the settlement of the Don land in the XVI-XVIII centuries / / Izvestiya Severo-Kavkazskogo nauchnogo tsentra vysshei shkoly. Series "Social Sciences", 1984, No. 3 (47), p. 28.

Mininkov N. A. 84 Rossiya i Don: otnosheniya suzereniteta-vassaliteta v XVII v. [Russia and the Don: Relations of suzerainty and vassalage in the 17th century]. St. Petersburg, 1994, pp. 112, 113.

Mikhaylova A. I. ]. Vestnik MSU, 1956, No. 2, pp. 144, 145.

Pirko V. A. 86 Northern Azov region in the XVI-XVIII centuries. Kiev, 1988. pp. 13, 14.

87 See: Kobyakov S. G. Zaselenie Dona v XVI-XVII vv. [Settlement of the Don in the XVI-XVII centuries]. Uchenye zapiski Leningradskogo gosudarstvennogo pedagogicheskogo instituta, vol. 10. Geograficheskiy fakultet [Scientific Notes of the Leningrad State Pedagogical Institute]. Issue 3. L., 1955. pp. 63, 64; Materials for the history of the Don Army. p. 23; Mikhailova A. I. Decree. op. p. 152; Collection of state letters and agreements. Part 3. Moscow, 1822. pp. 370,428,429; Smirnov N. A. Russia and Turkey in the XVI-XVII centuries. Vol. 2. Moscow, 1946. p. 5,6; Solov'ev S. M. Edict. soch. Kn. V. M., 1990. p. 61; Tkhor'zhevsky S. The Don Army in the first half of the seventeenth century. 1923. N 3. P. 23; Shchelkunov S. Z. Donskiye atamany pervoi poloviny XVII veka [Don atamans of the first half of the 17th century]. Issue No. 13. Novocherkassk, 1915. p. 125, 126.

88 See for example: RGADA. F. 127. Op. 1. 1614 g. d. 2. L. 36; 1623 g. d. 1. L. 23-26.

89 Ibid., 1627 d. 1. l. 262, 263; 1628 d. 1. l. 19, 20.

90 Ibid., 1615 d. 6. l. 6, 52; d. 7. l. 23, 28, 56; 1617 d. 4. l. 14.

Istoki druzhby narodov Severnogo Kavkaza s russkim narodom (IX-XVII vv.) [The origins of friendship between the peoples of the North Caucasus and the Russian people (IX-XVII vv.)]. Cherkessk, 1991, p. 70.

Yanchevsky NL. 92 Colonial policy on the Don of the trading capital of the Moscow State in the XVI-XVII centuries. Rostov-on-Don, 1930. p. 142.

93 RGADA. F. 123. Op. 1. 1628 g. d. 23. L. 101.

94 Ibid. F. 111. Op. 1. 1638 g. d. 4. l. 6.

Chernitsyn S. V. 95 Some aspects of ethnic processes in the Don Army of the 17th century (on the example of Turkic-speaking migrants) // Don and the North Caucasus in ancient and Middle Ages. Rostov-on-Don, 1990. p. 74; . Don Tatars: some questions of ethnic history and settlement // Historical geography of the Don and the North Caucasus. Rostov-on-Don, 1992, pp. 108-110.

96 RGADA, F. 127. Op. 1. 1639g. D. 1. L. 14.

Chernitsyn S. V. 97 Cossacks of Turkic origin in the Don Army of the XVII century (ways of settlement and entry into the Cossacks) / / Results of research of the Azov-Black Sea archaeological expedition in 1986. Azov, 1987, pp. 39, 40.

Skripov A. N. 98 On the expanses of the Wild field. Rostov-on-Don, 1973, p. 38.

99 Acts of the Moscow State, vol. 1, St. Petersburg, 1890, pp. 181, 298.

100 RGADA. F. 127. Op. 2. D. 21. L. 4-4 vol.

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