Libmonster ID: KG-1290
Author(s) of the publication: A. V. KLEYANKIN

1. "Finding freedom"

One of the most common passive forms of peasant struggle against serfdom was flight. Sometimes alone, sometimes in families or even in large groups, the peasants left their habitable hearths and rushed away from the borders of the master's possessions, hoping to arrange their lives in a new place without fail. Most often, especially in the XVII - XVIII centuries, the peasants fled to the place where new lines of border fortifications were being built. Here they hoped to find their freedom and settle down as free servants. Every" new line", wherever it appeared, seemed tempting to the serfs primarily because there was free land for settlements along it and that the landlords had not yet settled around it. According to the figurative expression of Leo Tolstoy, who described in the novel "War and Peace" one of the cases of mass peasant escapes, people, "like birds", flew "somewhere over the seas", "to the southeast, where none of them was"; "they rose, - says the writer, - by caravans ...they ran and rode, and went there to the warm rivers. " 1 Many were punished for this, exiled to Siberia, others died on the way. But, in spite of everything, the desire for a free life on free land never faded in the peasants.

Something similar to what we know from the literature on peasant escapes in the seventeenth century.2 and what Leo Tolstoy wrote about happened in 1825. Then thousands of serfs rose from many regions of Russia, primarily from the Volga region, in connection with the rumors about the opening of another "new line" somewhere in the southeast, on the unknown "Darya River", surpassing in their spontaneous impulse all such things that had been passed earlier by one year.

Escapes were preceded and accompanied by an ever-increasing number of peasant disobedience, in particular petitions for "seeking freedom" from landlords, which is generally characteristic of the first half of the nineteenth century and the last decade before the reform of 1861. So, in the 20s of the XIX century, a violent wave of peasant indignation swept through the ancient villages of the Alatyr district, Simbirsk province - Astradamovka Poretsky and others, which were owned by the Saltykovs for a long time. These villages were inherited from I. S. Saltykov to his daughter Praskovya Ivanovna, by her husband Myatleva, a state lady at the court of Alexander I. Rumors spread among the peasants that the count, before his death, had written a will granting them freedom and making them subordinate to the treasury. Soon this rumor gave rise to another: the count's will was destroyed by his daughter, who claimed both villages. Astradamovtsy refused to recognize Myatleva as the rightful owner of the estate and, choosing 90 people trusted, sent them to Simbirsk, to the governor 3 .

On November 5, 1824, the Simbirsk civil governor reported these events to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, indicating that representatives who had arrived in the city had handed him a petition "to take liberties with the services of Mrs. Myatleva" and called her nothing more than their guardian .4 On the same basis, I added

1 L. N. Tolstoy. Essays, vol. 6, Moscow, 1962, pp. 163, 164.

2 See A. A. Novoselsky. Escapes of peasants and serfs and their investigation in the Moscow state of the second half of the XVII century. "Proceedings" of the RANION Institute. Issue 1. Moscow, 1926; I. A. Bulygin. Runaway peasants of the Ryazan Uyezd in the 60s of the XVII century. "Historical Notes", vol. 43, 1953, et al.

3 TsGIA OF the USSR, f. 1263, op. 1, d. 378, l. 235.

4 Ibid., ll. 235, 235 vol.

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The governor and peasants regarded the actions of the estate manager, who "increased the collection of tax money and caused them beatings," as outrageous, demanding his removal from office. The governor saw the actions of the peasants as a dangerous precedent. He sent 84 people home, ordering them to be obedient to the lady, and handed over six of the "first troublemakers" to the provincial chamber for trial and punishment. The latter did not bother to search for the will of Count Saltykov, to which the Astradamovites referred. The provincial authorities were indignant that the peasants had disobeyed and dared to send their representatives to the city, "not heeding the admonitions" of the district authorities. The detained peasants were sentenced to be whipped and exiled to the settlement. During the investigation and trial, the arrested men were brave and when the decision on their case was announced to them, they resisted the demand to sign it, " saying that if they were all crossed one by one and sent to the settlement, then they would not give the required signature, calling the decree (verdict - A. K. ) of the criminal chamber forged."5 . All residents of Astradamovka supported the convicts with persistent behavior. A zemstvo police officer who arrived there testified to the" previous disobedience " of the peasants and claimed that "no suggestions of his, made to those peasants, did not work." Therefore, the Governor, in his report to the Minister of Internal Affairs, requested that "a measure of armed coercion"be applied here if necessary .6
In the village of Poretsky, the peasants ' outrage began shortly after the death of the count and lasted much longer than in Astradamovka. As revealed during the investigation, the" leader of the disobedient " was (which was quite rare) their former manager Fyodor Shchetkin, who came from the merchants of the city of Alatyr. From him, the peasants heard that their former owner allegedly intended to give his serfs "access to freedom" 7 . In Poretsky, as well as in the neighboring village beyond Sura, a Tannery, meetings began to gather with the aim of "passing sentences" on the most important issue - about being released. As in Astradamovka, the rights of Myatleva were strongly rejected by the residents of these villages. The peasants, according to the preliminary report of the Alatyr district Court, "taking advantage of their freedom from landlord ownership", that is, due to the lack of supervision over them by the steward, who was "aware of the peasant sentences..., extended their disobedience and insolence" to representatives of the district authorities. Then the police were sent to the village. All but the elderly were subjected to corporal punishment; 7 of the "most repulsive" people were arrested, and the uyezd court sentenced them to exile in Siberia .8
The peasants of the village of Etkov, Syzran uyezd, were owned at that time by the collegiate councilor Rostov. At the beginning of 1825, according to his will, their owner was to become his relative, " from the nobility, the maiden Maria Annenkova." The serfs clearly defied her. They not only spoke out against the landowner, but "even against the local zemstvo police, shouting with passion to the zemstvo police officer that they did not want to obey the decrees of the district court and did not listen, calling them not efficient." The arbitrariness of the peasants of this village, the Simbirsk civil governor reported to the police department, has reached the point that the Etkin people "do not give the mill to Mrs. Annenkova, but will collect the income from it themselves" and demand the departure of the landowner from their village. The peasants, the governor concluded, were so sure of the justice of their actions that, in their own words, "they will not give any account to Madame Annenkova or anyone else, because they will find freedom from the landlords' possession." The governor sent 10 people there, headed by a zemstvo police officer, and only after that the peasants were brought into "obedience" 9 .

The peasants of the village of Chistovka, Samara Uyezd, initiated a case for granting them freedom in 1824 with a request to "find out the truth", sending it to the Simbirsk provincial prosecutor. As usual, he didn't bother and sent the pardon to

5 Ibid., l. 237.

6 Ibid., l. 238.

7 Central State Archive of the Chuvash ASSR (TsGA CHASSR), f. 88 op. 1, d. 667, ll. 1, 2, 25 ob.

8 Ibid., ll. 1 vol., 4-5, 41.

9 TsGIA USSR, f. 1286, op. 3, d. 155, ll. 1, 1 ob., 3.

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Samara County Court. The court, however, later wrote Chistovtsev's attorneys Markel Sergeev, Vasily Mikheev and others, in its decision of July 7, 1825, considered the peasants "belonging to the property of the Maslovs." The reason for this statement was that the Maslovs were some distant relatives of the former owners of the village Chistov, the eldest of whom died 55 years ago, and the youngest-30 years later, leaving no heirs. According to the laws, the peasants wrote, we should be considered extortionate, especially since the younger Chistov's wife also died, and" finally, it is not known by what rights " they suddenly found themselves in the possession of the Ryazan landowners Maslovs. The peasants requested a certificate from the district court on what grounds the uninvited gentlemen were imposed on them. In court, however, there was "only a decree on the distant relationship of the Chistovs with the Maslovs." The decision of the district court to introduce Maslovs into the rights of owners was rejected by the peasants. It took many months and years of " finding their freedom." Chistovtsy also wrote to Tsar Nicholas I about their disagreement with the decision of the district court 10 .

For more than a year, the landowner Nezdin wrote, the peasants of the village of Peribelki, Karsun district, were "brought under his control" in disobedience. The peasants not only refused to pay the rent to the landowner, but also did not recognize him. Nezdin tearfully complained that when the peasants were brought under his command in February 1825 (before that, the peasants of this village had been "under guardianship" for 13 years), the Peribelkovtsy disobeyed him, and one of them, "the first-ranking one", was then transferred to the Karsun district court. But the peasants did not calm down and submitted a petition to the Senate. When the decision of the Senate did not satisfy them, they "brought a complaint" to Alexander I. However, State Secretary Kikin, with the tsar's knowledge, informed the peasants that " their complaint remains without any respect." Then they redoubled their efforts "to take liberties," and continued to be disobedient to their landowner. A noble assessor arrived there and whipped those he found guilty. Despite all the executions, the Peribelkovites "resolutely refused to pay any payment, both the old and new dues, and even stopped paying state taxes", not giving in to the admonitions of the authorities .11
S. S. Uvarov, a privy councilor, also found unacceptable the state of mind of the serfs of his wife, nee Countess Razumovskaya, who was passing through the village of Zhdamirovo, Alatyr district, in 1825. According to him, it was the same here as everywhere else in the Volga region: "Important riots that almost reached the point of an obvious riot." He does not say what exactly they were, but it is not difficult to guess that here, too, the peasants were far from being properly obedient to their mistress, as a result of which he ordered "to put a barrier to these initial riots... The most guilty were sent by the civil authorities - three peasants to settle in Siberia, and the least criminal two with their families moved to another fiefdom. " 12
At the same time, the peasants ' disobedience to the landlords and the "search for freedom" were noted on the estates of Princess Ye. Vyazemskaya (village of Matyunino, Sengileyevsky uyezd, Simbirsk province); "girls from the nobility" by V. Burbasova (the village of Alekseyevka, Ardatovsky district, the same province)13 . Unrest of state-owned peasants was observed in Bogoyavlenskaya volost, Semenovsky Uyezd, Nizhny Novgorod province, in the estate of Prince B. Kurakin in Serdobsky Uyezd, Saratov Governorate 14, and in other places.

It was far from calm on the Volga merchant ships, where riots often broke out and boatmen escaped, which required, as the provincial authorities recognized, the constant presence of military teams "to bring the peasants into submission and to keep boatmen from escaping from the ships along navigable rivers"15 . The above facts, which relate to 1824-early 1825, indicate that the mass escapes of Volga peasants to the "Darya River" in the spring and summer of 1825.

10 Ibid., f. 1584, op. 3, d. 221, ll. 9 sl.

11 State Archive of the Ulyanovsk region (SAUO), f. 115, op. 11, 11 pl. 1, 4.

12 TsGIA of the USSR, f. 797, op. 3, d. 11086, ll. 1, 1 ob.

13 Ibid., f. 1584, op. 3, d. 214, ll. 1-9; d. 1726, ll. 1, 1 vol. sl.

14 State Archive of the Gorky region( GAGO), f. 3, op. 1, d. 3, ll. 3, 6, 7, 9; d. 30, l. 21 ob.

15 Ibid., f. 1826, op. 3, d. 13, ll. 1, 1 vol., 4, 4 vol.

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they weren't a sudden episode. They were in line with the general flow of the anti-serf movement, which was growing stronger from year to year.

2. Heralds of the legend of the "Darya River"

The legend of the "Darya River" as a figment of folk fantasy was born in the mid-20s of the XIX century and existed not only among the Volga peasants, but also in some central provinces until the abolition of serfdom. 16 The essence of this legend was as follows: somewhere far away, on a certain "Darya River", there are many rich and free places. There are many huts and courtyards built there, and the government even offers to move there to anyone who wants. "You come, and you have a house with a manor ready." Those who do not have enough money to start a household will be given a loan, just come 17 . In the Penza province, the legend of the "Darya River" had a more real connotation: here a rumor spread about some decree of the Senate, according to which landowner peasants were allegedly granted the right to settle on new lands in the steppe provinces and receive an allowance from the treasury for acquiring land .18 Soon these rumors began to be reinforced by the fact that "people from Novaya liniya" appeared in various places, who allegedly already managed to settle there and now came to collect their families.

In January 1825, in the village of Cherdakly, Stavropol Uyezd, Simbirsk province, an unknown person came to warm himself to the peasant N. I. Sherstnev. A conversation ensued. A passerby said that he was a former serf of the Prince of Georgia from the village of Lyskov, Nizhny Novgorod province; that his nickname was Petrov, and that he came from Orenburg, from the "new line", to which"the highest authority secretly granted the landowner peasants to move." He, Petrov, has used this right and is now heading to Lyskovo to collect two of his brothers from the landowner. A week later Petrov reappeared in the Garrets, but this time he was brought here by a peasant from the village of Stary Matyushkin, who said to Sherstnev: "Here you are, Nikolai Ivanovich, if you wish yourself well, you can ask this scribe." The scribe, that is, the same Petrov, volunteered to show Sherstnev a sample application for relocation to the "new line", but said that for the registration of such a document, stamped paper was needed. We followed her to Simbirsk. It turned out that Petrov also had acquaintances in Simbirsk, and when he returned to the Attic, he made all the necessary materials, including an "announcement" addressed to a certain Major General Kasperov (head of the "new line") on the desire of Sherstnev and his two relatives to settle "beyond the Darya River" 19 .

A few days later, 70-year-old Sherstnev and his 65-year-old brother Savely went to Orenburg to find out about the "new line". This became known to the landowner. Sherstnev's house was searched and other" papers " needed for the displaced persons were found in the closet. It became obvious that Petrov was acting here as an agitator, encouraging the peasants to run away, and, presumably, he was not acting alone. Soon, eight such messengers appeared in Syzran uyezd, and among them a retired soldier, Semyon Nikolaev, who also assured the local peasants that he was "going after his family to take them to a new settlement." 20 The stories of Nikolaev and others inspired hope for a good life on the "new line", and "people gathered in a crowd to listen to them, without fear of persecution." In the village of Samaykin, in the same district, a retired non - commissioned officer, Frolov, offered the peasants to transport them across the Volga and escort them to the city of Uralsk. In Syzran, news of the resettlement was heard from the Murom " merchant's son Vasily

16 K. V. Chistov. Russian folk socio-utopian legends of the XVII-XIX centuries, Moscow, 1967, p. 305.

17 Ibid.; see also A. P. Melnikov. From the past of the Amur region. "Actions of the Nizhny Novgorod Provincial Scientific Archival Commission". Issue XI. N. Novgorod, 1891, p. 613.

18 "Escapes of landowners' peasants of Simbirsk province to the "new line " in 1825". "Memorial book of Simbirsk province for 1860". Simbirsk. 1860. page 112.

19 State Archive of the Kuibyshev region (GAKO), f. 673, op. 1, 9, ll. 7, 8.

20 TsGIA USSR, f. 1263, op. 1, st. 1429, d. 407 (Journal of the Committee of Ministers), l. 110.

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Kushelnikov", who was returning from Uralsk to Murom. According to him, he saw many fugitives in Uralsk, whom "the government intends to send to settle on the Unzenskaya Line and the Darya River."

There were also some peasants who did not go anywhere, but "heard enough" about the free lands. Thus, five peasants of the landlords Bestuzhev, Gagarin and Dmitriev were put on trial as the instigators, "inciting the peasants to escape to the new line" 21 . In the Syzran district, its own "writer of tickets" and various "announcements" for those going to the "new line"appeared. It was the sexton of the Novospassky village church, Vasily Stepanov. In Sengileyevsky Uyezd, two retired soldiers, Shlykov and Yefimov, were among the first messengers about free life "on the Darya River", and the first of them, talking to the inhabitants of the village of Ivanovsky, declared: "The landowner peasants have been declared free by the government, a decree has been issued about this." As for Yefimov, he "revolted the village of Feoktistovka", telling the local peasants that it was time to stop working for the landowner and go to the "new line"; he also inspired the peasants that in Syzran"they give out tickets for passage to the new settlement and transport them across the Volga on state transport".

Count Levashev's servant Fyodor Leonov from the village of Murashki, returning from Simbirsk, announced to his fellow villagers and residents of neighboring villages the news that "the merchant's son Pyotr Vasiliev" had told him in the city that "in different provinces the landowners' peasants had rebelled and were fleeing because the Kirghiz khan, at the request of his Kirghiz subjects, had made a presentation to the Russian people." to the tsar, in which, with one accord with his subjects, he expressed a desire to populate his wild and teeming land with the Russian people," and that the tsar seemed to like this performance. 80 Levashev serfs from the village of Kyakhty, believing in Leonov's words, soon went "to the designated land". At the same time, a fugitive woman from Uralsk, Fekla Andreeva, who belonged to the "Orenburg Cossack army foreman Borodin", was detained in the Sengileyevsky district. Having arrived with a fake male passport to her relatives in the village of Rodniki, in the same district, Andreeva told them and the household people of the landowner Skobeleva that in Uralsk "the sovereign Emperor Alexander Pavlovich was with the Grand Duke Konstantin Pavlovich and dismissed all the landowner peasants to freedom, including her, which she came to announce to relatives and all of them." In Simbirsk Uyezd, Vasily Fyodorov, a serf of the same owner, caused "considerable unrest" among the peasants of the villages of Kezmino and Isheevka, which belonged to the landowner Krotkov. After visiting the village of Guryevka, Karsun Uyezd, he returned in full confidence that indeed " there is a decree for the lord's people to be free and settle on the Darya River." In support of his words, Fyodorov referred to a conversation he had allegedly heard between residents of the village of Tenkovki, to whom the priest had read about the decree, and that "the Kez'ma peasants (whom he visited before returning to Isheevka - A. K.) had not been working for Mr. Krotkov for four days" 22 .

The Simbirsk provincial board initiated a case of prosecution of the retired boatswain Pyotr Beloglazov, also for spreading false rumors (in the village of Ozerki) about the liberation of peasants who settled on new lands. He instilled in the peasants that the local authorities did not announce the tsar's decree just because it was not profitable for them, because all provincial officials had their own serfs. The brothers Trofim and Yefim Gavrilov (serfs of the landowners Zinovieva and Teplova, whose estates were located in Moksha district, Penza province), when dividing the land in April 1825, told their fellow villagers that now there was no need to delineate strips of land, since it was possible to "go free". The serf of the landowner Baryshnikov I. Lezin from Insar district, the same province, "encouraged the peasants and domestic wives" to escape to the Urals, assuring that there he would "write them off as free". Nikita Samsonov, a serf in the village of Golitsyn, Saransk Uyezd, when the district police officer detained fugitives from various places, shouted "with passion and violence".,

21 "Escapes of the landlords' peasants of Simbirsk province to the 'new line ' in 1825", pp. 114, 115.

22 Ibid., pp. 115-118.

23 TsGIA USSR, f. 1555, op. 1, d. 783, ll. 1, 2.

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that they "go to the free land, and no one dares to stop them" 24 . In the Saratov province, the peasants T. Doinikov, F. Voronin (serfs of the landowner Saltykov), M. Rasskazov (serf of the landowner Mokrinsky), and T. Evdokimov from the Balashov district claimed that many people were already going to freedom and that there was a special decree "on masters and priests", which the latter hid from the people .25
The outbreak of" self-will "once again testified to how acute the question of the peasants' release from prison was. So, in one of the villages of the Karsun district, Simbirsk province, a landowner, noticing the frequent meetings of his serfs, where the question of entering the "new line", which everyone agreed to go, was discussed, decided to look at this national assembly himself. The peasants, considering the relocation to new places to be a settled matter, and also allowed by the government, in the presence of the landowner, continued to list the stories they had heard about the abundance of all sorts of land on novaya zemlya. After listening to their stories, the landowner asked: "What if you all want a new line?" "Why don't they all leave?!" the peasants replied. "If it's very good there," said the landowner, "then I'll go with you, my brothers; say there's a lot of land there, but we don't have much land, so you'll work more for me there," he added, not without malice. "We don't want to, we don't want to, we'd rather stay here than go with you!" the worldly gathering replied. Thus, the "new line" was also presented to the peasants as the beginning of a new life for them, where there was no place for landlords at all.

3. "Spring flood"

Excited by rumors of "new rich lands" on the "Darya River", where all settlers will be free and no one will know the landlords ' arbitrariness, the Volga village began to move. With the spring flood on the rivers, a flood of people also began. According to the Simbirsk and Penza governors, in April 1825, an unprecedented stream of fugitives from both these provinces and the neighboring Saratov province rushed along the country roads of these provinces. In a short period of time, according to the Penza governor, up to a thousand "newcomers" from the districts of the Saratov province were registered in a number of localities, and some of them came to the police, " demanding tickets for free passage to the Urals and reward money for acquiring their farms."27 . The scouts were the first to leave. Some on their own initiative, others with worldly consent. No one paid any attention to the hardships on the road. So far, men were going on the road (only in the Stavropol Uyezd did women accompany the fugitives), but everywhere the women diligently worked for their safe journey to the "new line", brought canvases, yarn, money, bread to the" new Liners", asking them to write them down there as well. The men accepted the offerings with gratitude and promised "to enroll all petitioners in the new lines without fail, and thereby give them their freedom." 28
In some villages, the gathering of proxies resulted in violent clashes with the police, who tried to prevent the initiative of the "New Line". So, in the estate of the landowner Krotkov (the village of Kezmino) the peasants and household people, " carried away by rumors of a new settlement and freedom ... were outraged to such an extent that the estate manager was even in danger of his life from their rampage." The same thing happened in the neighboring estate of the landowners Malaev, where a military team was sent 29 . In the village of Krutets, Saratov Uyezd, the manager of the estate of the landowner Stolypin reported to the zemstvo court on May 24, 1825, that " his master's peasants plotted to flee to some lands lying in the Urals, and his (manager), if they escaped, would make them

24 Ibid., d. 4, ll. 4 vol., 7 vol., 8.

25 Ibid., ll. 26-26 vol.

26 "Escapes of the landlords' peasants of Simbirsk province to the 'new line ' in 1825", pp. 113-114.

27 GAGO, f. 3, op. 1, d. 30, ll. 3 vol., 20 vol.

28 "Escapes of the landlords' peasants of Simbirsk province to the 'new line ' in 1825", p. 119.

29 TsGIA OF the USSR, f. 1263, op. 1, d. 407, l. 413 vol.

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I'll chase them, kill them, and tear up the mayor." Despite the obstacles, 17 people escaped from there .30
In the village of Ivanovskoye, where the bell was supposed to be the signal for the departure of the new settlers, peasants began to converge in droves on the streets. However, a military team that arrived at this moment delayed the escape of a large group of peasants. In the village of Shigony, where several people from the zemstvo guards were on duty near the outskirts, 30 peasants attached to a cloth factory managed to escape. From the villages of the Novodevichenskaya volost, Sengileyevsky district, 63 people left for new lands within a few days, and from the village of the small - scale owner Stepanova (in the same district) - half of the serfs. The richest landowner V. G. Orlov, who owned more than 30 villages on the Samara Luka and in the Trans-Volga region, was at first filled with joy that his "peasants do not believe empty rumors and live quietly", but by the summer of 1825, he also discovered a "leak": 39 "novolineytsev"immediately fled. Of this number, only two who reached Orenburg returned voluntarily .31
In total, from February to mid-August 1825, more than a thousand messengers from villages and villages went to the "new line" from ten counties of the Simbirsk province. Syzran, Samara, Karsun and Stavropol counties accounted for the largest number of them (336, 322, 245 and 207 people, respectively).32, and about 2 thousand walkers from the districts of the Penza and Saratov governorates followed the roads of the Simbirsk region 33 . They were like scouts, authorized representatives of rural societies, after which their fellow villagers were preparing for resettlement. Not all of them managed to reach the "new line". Many of them were detained at river crossings and cordons. The provincial authorities, as well as military commanders, had to spend a lot of effort to stop this flow. According to the Ural Military Chancellery, by July 15, 1825, only in Uralsk and "within the limits of this district" 2,813 "novolineytsev" were detained, including 2,694 people from the Volga provinces (Simbirsk, Saratov, Penza and Nizhny Novgorod); the remaining 119 people came from the provinces of the center, south and north-west of Russia. Many peasants who went in search of land where there was no landowner oppression were detained in Orenburg and other cities.

Seven five-hundred regiments were formed by order of the Orenburg military governor to capture the fugitives and return them to their former place of residence .34 Garrison battalions in provincial towns, the police in county towns, and the so - called disabled teams were on alert. In addition, round-the-clock police surveillance and all kinds of night guards and patrols were established at the crossings over the Volga and other rivers. Even the ferrymen and owners who owned boats had strict instructions that no one who wanted to move to the other side of the river should be transported there without a certificate that "he is not a fugitive." 35 The events of the Peasant War under the leadership of Pugachev, which took place in the same places, were still fresh in the people's memory. The government of Alexander I also remembered them. That is why it set in motion the entire mechanism of the authorities and military supervision, based on the real possibility of the emergence of a new, no less formidable movement .36
4. " Everyone should stand up for themselves!"

The behavior of the detained "New Liners" in the places of their greatest concentration is of considerable interest. Informing the Government that by August 1825, more than 3 thousand people had been detained in the Orenburg Region, including Uralsk and other cities-

30 GAGO, f. 3, op. 1, d. 30, ll. 28, 28 vol.

31 GAUO, f. 147, op. 27, d. 305, ll. 76, 90; d. 58, l. 4; d. 305, l. 93.

32 "Escapes of the landlords' peasants of Simbirsk province to the 'new line ' in 1825", pp. 116, 114, 120.

33 GAGO, f. 3, op. 1, d. 30, l. 24.

34 TsGIA USSR, f. 1409, op. 1, d. 4516, ll. 1 vol., 11-11 vol.; K. V. Chistov. Op. ed., p. 306.

35 GAGO, f. 3, op. 1, d. 30, ll. 6 vol., 17 vol., 18.

36 How much importance the government attached to the events in the Volga and Ural regions can be seen from the fact that in January 1826 a special commission of the Senate headed by Prince A. A. Dolgoruky was sent to the Voronezh, Kursk, Penza, Saratov, Simbirsk, Nizhny Novgorod and Tambov provinces "on the subject of the frequent escapes of the landowner peasants of these provinces" (TsGIA OF the USSR, f. 1555, op. 1, d. 1).

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The Governor-General of Orenburg paid special attention to the episode that took place in Orenburg. It happened in the town square, where 300 peasants were gathered, brought here by order of the governor before being sent out of the city. "And having gone through all their ranks," he reported, " no matter how hard he tried to prove to them that there is no decree on the settlement of fugitives either in the Urals or in any other place, and that they must obey the will of their superiors," he failed. When he "reached Rodionov, the servant of the household, continuing the same convictions, this fugitive, with an impudent air, deliberately loudly, so that the whole party of fugitives could hear, replied that neither he nor any of this party would go to their landlords, no matter what compulsion was made."37 . For this, they wanted to take Rodionov under guard. But as soon as the Cossacks approached him, the whole party of fugitives rushed to seize him with a shout.

During the interrogation, it turned out that Rodionov had instilled in the peasants that "if they listened to the authorities and turned to the landlords, they would not escape punishment and exile to hard labor," and therefore, Rodionov said, everyone "should stand up for themselves, not believe in any beliefs and absolutely strive to be sent to Siberia, where they will be free and settle in new lands. " 38 From the report of the Governor-General, it appears that Prokofy Rodionov was put on trial. However, neither the crackdowns on the daredevils, nor the threatening admonitions made to the recalcitrant, nor the tsarist manifestos, in which every phrase contained threats of applying "the full severity of the laws"to the disobedient, 39 could reduce the number of those who not only sought a free life on the "new lines", but also continued to actively fight for freedom in the land of their fathers. The peasant escapes of 1825 are just one of the many symptoms of the growing crisis of the feudal system, its historical doom.

37 Ibid., f. 1409, op. 1, d. 4516, l. 7; f. 1263, op. 1, d. 408, ll. 291-291 vol.

38 Ibid., ll. 7 vol., 8 vol.

39 This refers to the manifesto of Nicholas I of May 12, 1826 "On the disobedience of the peasants that has arisen in the provinces". The Second Collection, vol. 1, 1830, No. 330, p. 455.

page 153


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