Libmonster ID: KG-1292
Author(s) of the publication: D. O. AITMAMBETOV

Kyrgyzstan's entry into Russia at the beginning of the second half of the 19th century played a major role in its subsequent development. Since that time, a new stage in the history of the Kirghiz people began, their fate was now inextricably linked with the fate of the great Russian people. Joining Russia helped to put an end to internecine feudal wars and sheep (cattle rustling from each other) in Kyrgyzstan, the years of which were popularly called " times of anxiety and hostility." As a result of the new peace and Russia's economic influence, there have been significant changes in the Kyrgyz economy.

The tsarist government resettled Russian peasants in Central Asia and Kazakhstan. At the same time, it hoped, on the one hand, to mitigate the contradictions between the working peasantry and the landlords in the central regions of Russia, and, on the other, to turn the rich part of the immigrants on the national outskirts into the support of its power. However, the resettlement policy did not meet the Government's expectations. The vast majority of Russian peasants who moved to Kirghizia consisted of poor people who came to the final ruin on the way to Central Asia, and there became the object of oppression of representatives of the colonial authorities, Russian kulaks and Cossack atamans who seized the best, fertile lands. The contact of the Kyrgyz working people with the poorest strata of the Russian peasantry contributed to their rapprochement, as evidenced by the cases of their joint actions against tsarism and the Baev - Manaps. As a result of the colonization movement of Russian peasants, their settlements appeared in the north of Kyrgyzstan: in the Chui Valley and Issyk-Kul basin-at the end of 1860-1870, in the Talas Valley-in 1880-1890, in the south of Kyrgyzstan-in 1890-1900. At the beginning of the XX century. there were already about 120 such settlements. By this time, the first cities appeared - Karakol (now Przhevalsk), Tokmak, Pishpek (now Frunze), which became the economic, cultural and political centers of Northern Kyrgyzstan.

The construction of the Transcaspian (1880-1888), Tashkent - Orenburg (1889-1905), and Semirechenskaya railways (which were not completed before the revolution) contributed to drawing Turkestan, including Kyrgyzstan, into the sphere of Russian capitalism. "The Transcaspian road," wrote V. Y. Lenin, "began to' open 'Central Asia for capital." 1 With the penetration of capitalism into agriculture and the development of the first centers of industry in Kyrgyzstan, the first detachments of the working class began to emerge and form. The labor of hired workers was used both in large farms kulaks and bais -

1 V. I. Lenin. PSS. Vol. 5, p. 82.

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mayapov, as well as in coal mines, at emerging private capitalist enterprises for the processing of livestock and agricultural raw materials. All this contributed to the class rapprochement between Kyrgyz and Russians, which was especially intensified at the beginning of the XX century. To prevent this, the tsarist government incited national hostility, using the patriarchal-tribal traditions of the Kyrgyz and the anti-Russian propaganda of the Muslim clergy. Local feudal lords also played on the national feelings of the Kyrgyz. In the course of some uprisings directed against the oppression of the tsarist government, they even managed to put forward the reactionary slogan "gazavata" and thereby give the movement a religious and anti-Russian connotation.

The advanced forms of farming used by Russian settlers had a great impact on the economic development of Kyrgyzstan. Russian peasants worked the land with a plow, used a scythe to harvest hay; they sowed the best varieties of grain crops (Kubanka wheat, Himalayan barley, hemp, etc.), grew various vegetables in their own gardens, bred fruit orchards, kept thoroughbred cows (mainly Astrakhan), sheep (Voloshsky and fine-fleeced), horses,etc. engaged in a variety of rural crafts 2 . The local population learned new farming techniques from the Russians. In the agricultural production of Kyrgyzstan, new crops began to appear, now bred specifically for sale on the market. In the Chui Valley, since 1870, they began cultivating kendyr (which, however, was known earlier) for industrial purposes. Here, since the 90s, tobacco has been intensively bred. The beginning of industrial hop growing was laid by the Pishpeksky agricultural enthusiast A.M. Fetisov. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, commercial gardening took on an important role in the region's agriculture. The economic practice of the Kirghiz people included winnowing machines and other agricultural implements borrowed from Russian peasants. In turn, the Kyrgyz taught Russian farmers irrigation. All this contributed to the development of agriculture. If earlier it was mainly used by the poorest Kyrgyz (who were hired to work for the Russian kulaks), then gradually the attention of wider circles of the local population also increased. Describing the state of the nomad economy, the military governor of the Semirechensk region in a report for 1904. wrote: "Nomads are beginning to take agricultural crops more seriously and are noticeably striving to defend their right to the land provided for their use and convenient for this purpose by expanding the area of crops, setting up wintering grounds, cultivating gardens, etc." 3
The use of more efficient farming techniques and more sophisticated agricultural tools by Kyrgyz farmers led to an increase in agricultural production. A well-known role in this was played by the establishment of state-owned warehouses of agricultural implements and seeds, which the local administration opened in 1901 in Verny (now Alma-Ata), and then in Pishpek, in the fortification of Naryn and in the points closest to the territory of Kyrgyzstan: Merka and Dzharkent. Agricultural implements and seeds were sold from warehouses on preferential terms with installments of up to five years. But the buyers of improved agricultural tools among the Kyrgyz were mostly well-to-do people. The spread of improved agricultural tools affected the increase in acreage, which was observed in both sedentary and nomadic populations. Thus, the acreage in Przewalski Uyezd increased from 50,722 dessiatines in 1901 to 8,2969 in 1907, or by 63.6%. At the same time, the sown area of the Russians

2 "Turkestan Vedomosti", 1872, NN 44-45.

3 TSVIA SSSR, f. 400, Asiatic part, 1904, ed. hr. 111, l. 23.

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The number of farmers increased from 12531 dessiatines to 14274 dessiatines, or 14%, while the area under cultivation of Kyrgyz people increased from 35951 to 65184 dessiatines, or 81.3%4 . In 1905, out of 113065 dessiatines in Pishpek uyezd, 96670 dessiatines belonged to the Kirghiz 5.

The increased development of the textile industry in Russia has given an unprecedented boost to the growth of cotton and sericulture in Central Asia, including in Southern Kyrgyzstan. In 1900, there were 786 people living in Osh alone. some of the local population were engaged in the production of silkworm cocoons. At the end of the 19th century, about 11,000 dessiatines of cotton were sown in seven volosts in southern Kyrgyzstan. 6 The cotton fever drew local capital into the production of raw materials, ruining some, enriching others. In connection with the success of the cotton crop in Osh, a cotton gin plant 7 was built and put into operation in 1915 . Local farmers, influenced by the demand for cotton, changed the direction of field farming, replacing wheat with cotton wherever it was possible due to climatic conditions .8 However, the demand for wheat remained high. The development of agriculture, especially cotton growing in the south of Kyrgyzstan, in turn, contributed to the expansion of irrigation works and an increase in the area of irrigated land.

After the region became part of Russia, agronomic knowledge began to spread among the Kyrgyz. Lower agricultural schools were organized (in Przhevalsk and Pishpek), and the first experimental and demonstration fields were sown. According to the data of 1912, in the Semirechensk region, pilot crops were planted in eight places, including in Kyrgyzstan: in Pishpeksky district - on Susamyr, in Przhevalsky district-in the localities of Orlinoe, at Jergalan and Taldy-Bulak. The purpose of these experiments was to find out the suitability of high-mountain areas for agriculture and, in particular, to test the most suitable varieties of agricultural crops (wheat, rye, barley, oats, flax, and cabbage) imported from the northern provinces of European Russia .9 Local Russian intelligentsia produced leaflets and even magazines that disseminated agricultural knowledge and best methods of farming and animal husbandry. In March 1913, the magazine "Przhevalsky selsky Khozyaisty", an organ of the Przhevalsky Uyezd Society of Agriculture, began to be published. It was accompanied by a leaflet "To the attention of gardeners", which contained tips for controlling garden pests 10 .

Certain, though small, changes took place in the livestock sector: more productive breeds of cattle appeared, including mestizos, obtained as a result of crossing the local breed with Astrakhan and Dutch. Back in 1876, a private stud farm was built in the area of Kutemaldy (near the current town of Rybachy) in the Issyk-Kul region, where horses of the Russian trotter-Vyatka breed were bred. In 1902, it belonged to uryadnik Dmitriev 11 . In 1907, the Issyk-Kul Stud Farm 12 was founded in Przhevalsk on the initiative of Staff Captain V. A. Pyanovsky .

4 G. Abramovich, V. Baranov. History of the city of Przhevalsk and Issyk-Kul region. Manuscript collections of the Department of Social Sciences of the Academy of Sciences of the Kyrgyz SSR, inv. N 169, p. 20.

5 "Review of the Semirechensk region for 1905". Truthful. 1906, ved. N 3.

6 "History of Kyrgyzstan", T. I. Frunze. 1956, p. 323.

7 Turkestan Vedomosti, 1915, No. 263.

8 N. S. Lykoshin. Half my life in Turkestan. Fri. 1916, p. 15.

9 "Semirechensk regional Vedomosti" (unofficial part), 1912, N 245.

10 Central State Administration of the Kyrgyz SSR, f. 69, op. 1, d. 8, ll. 4-22.

11 "History of Kirghizia", Vol. I, p. 321; TsGIA SSSR, f. 733, op. 172, d. 2197, l. 108.

12 A. E. Issyk-Kul stud farm Pyanovskogo. "Semirechensk regional Vedomosti" (unofficial part), 1910, N 71.

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This was, in fact, the first experience of thoroughbred horse breeding in Semirechye. The success of the V. A. Pyanovsky stud aroused great interest in thoroughbred horse breeding throughout the region. At the beginning. In the XX century, the first measures were taken to organize the veterinary service. According to data from 1903, 45 veterinarians worked in Pishpek and Vernensky counties, and 30 in Przhevalsky and Kopalsky counties .13 Their practical activities were mainly limited to detecting epidemic diseases of animals and carrying out quarantine measures in infected areas, to controlling livestock intended for sale. Among the veterinarians, there were enthusiasts who spared no effort to fight dangerous epidemics .14 However, it was still not possible to establish the necessary veterinary supervision in all counties.

Gardening was developing in Northern Kyrgyzstan. A major role was played by the Pishpek city garden with nurseries, founded in 1878. The horticulturist A.M. Fetisov in a short time put it on the proper height. Already in 1883, there were more than 100 thousand fruit, ornamental and forest seedlings in the nurseries of the garden, including about 10 thousand grafted ones. By 1890, its area reached 20 dessiatines. The garden supplied seedlings not only to the Pishpeksky district and the districts closest to it, but also to places far beyond its borders. Seedlings were sent to the Naryn fortification, and thousands of fruit trees were exported annually from the nurseries of the garden to the cities and newly emerging Russian villages of the Semirechensk and Syr-Darya oblasts .15 Przhevalsky city garden, founded by the city headman-doctor N. M. Barsov, received a large number of seedlings from Pishpek. In turn, he released young trees from his nurseries for replanting in the nearest settlements; Kyrgyz people received seedlings free of charge .16 In 1880, an amateur gardener Dolmatov organized a nursery in Przhevalsk. In 1889, forest nurseries were established in Tokmak 17 . In 1898, the press reported that in the Pishpeksky district "there is not a house near which at least a dozen fruit trees were not planted. Even nomadic Kyrgyz gradually begin to plant fruit trees near their wintering grounds. " 18 In the south of Kyrgyzstan, as well as in the north (in the Pishpek region), viticulture developed. It was mainly used by Uzbeks, Dungans, Ukrainians and Russians .19
Favorable climatic conditions and a wide variety of honey-bearing flora in Kyrgyzstan contributed to the rapid development of beekeeping, especially on the coast of Lake Issyk-Kul 20 and in the Chui Valley, as well as in the Kugart Valley, in the Uzgen and Kurshab regions. Initially, beekeeping was carried out by Russian settlers and some Amateurs from among the urban intelligentsia. Good honey collection and income-

13 "Report on the audit of the Turkestan region, produced by ... K. K. Palen", St. Petersburg, 1910, pp. 472-473.

14 One of them was Pavel Ivanovich Livotov, later an Honored veterinarian of the Kirghiz SSR (V. P. Tulchinskaya. Veterinary science in Kyrgyzstan for 20 years. "Science in Kyrgyzstan for 20 years (1926-1946)". Collection of articles. Frunze. 1946, pp. 151-152).

15 "Review of the Semirechensk region for 1884". Truthful. 1885, p. 20; Turkestanskiye Vedomosti, 1894, No. 59.

16 Turkestan Vedomosti, 1889, No. 24.

17 E. Z. Gareev. Experimental work on fruit, melon crops and grapes. "Science in Kyrgyzstan for 20 years (1926-1946)", p. 103; "Review of the Semirechensk region for 1890". Truthful. 1891, p. 116.

18 "Memorial book of the Semirechensk region". Truthful. 1898, p. 12.

19 TSGVIA SSSR, f. 400, Asiatic part, 1899, ed. chr. 243, l. 17.

20 The first apiaries appeared here in 1878 (Ya. Silin. Agronomic assistance to the population of Przewalski uyezd in beekeeping. "Proceedings of the Third Congress of figures on agriculture of the Turkestan region in the city of Tashkent from December 26 to December 31, 1913" (Tashkent, 1914, p. 372).

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The importance of beekeeping has also attracted the attention of wider circles of the local population. In 1904-1906, there were 17,588 beehives in the Przewalski uyezd, and 8-9 thousand beehives in the Pishpekski uyezd .21 The total annual profitability of beekeeping in Przhevalsky uyezd in 1913 was 256785 rubles 22 .

Until the 60 - 70s of the XIX century, the Kyrgyz did not know wheeled transport, dirt and highway roads. Travel on mountain, hard-to-reach trails and cattle-driving routes was carried out on horseback, oxen and camels. The only means of communication were messengers, through which oral messages were transmitted. After joining Russia, there were innovations in this area as well. Roads were laid, horse-mail and telegraph communications were established, which improved economic and cultural contacts both within Kyrgyzstan and with its neighbors. The Turkestan military administration and the tsarist authorities, building wheeled roads and telegraph lines, took care primarily of military needs. However, in the end, it also served the interests of the local population. The first wheel tracks were laid through the Boomsky Gorge in 1868, through the Tien Shan to the Naryn fortification-in 1872, in the south of Osh through the Taldyk pass to the Alai in 1893 .23 Marveling at the heroism of the Russian people, residents of Osh wrote in an address sent to the Turkestan Military Administration: : "The construction of the road to Alai accomplished what the sultans of Iran and the ancient Asian rulers could not do, who considered such a road impossible." 24
All the initiatives, economic and cultural events that were carried out in Kyrgyzstan were not complete without the active participation and funds of the local population. The Kirghiz people helped the Russian soldiers and sappers in laying wheeled roads. Timber and other materials for the construction of bridges and dams were delivered from Osh County. Its population also performed other in-kind duties, and in addition, allocated 1 thousand Kyrgyz workers. Margelan, Andijan, Kokandeky and Namangan counties provided 60 thousand rubles for the construction of the Baku - Alai wheeled road, according to the sentences of local societies .25 For the construction of a telegraph line in the Chu Valley in 1871-1872, the population of Tokmakekogo (later - Pishpek) uyezd produced 1,756 telegraph poles .26 One of the participants in the construction of the telegraph line from Osh to the Pamirs, V. Peterson, noting the help of the Kyrgyz to the Russian sappers from the Turkestan sapper detachment, wrote: "The Kyrgyz got me everything I asked for to satisfy my hunger and thirst... The Kirghiz became so friendly with our soldiers that they were the last to carry anything they thought would please them. Kaymak, ayran, and delicious rich cakes have replaced the venerable but hard quartermaster's crackers. " 27
Postal and telegraph offices and their branches began to open in county centers and large settlements. By 1914, there were 13 of them on the territory of Kyrgyzstan. The length of inter-district postal routes was about 1 thousand km, of which 750 km were horse-drawn. The offices had 56 letter carriers, of which 19 served rural localities. Length of intercity telegraph lines

21 Turkestan Vedomosti, 1889, No. 24; 1906, No. 1; 1909, No. 166.

22 Ya. Silin. Op. ed., p. 372.

23 A. Kaulbars. Wheel track across the Tien Shan. "Russian invalid", 1873, N 45; N. Koldevin. Wheel track development in Tien Shan. "Military collection", 1873, N 7; "Turkestan Vedomosti", 1893, N 48.

24 TSGVIA SSSR, f. 400, Asiatic part, 1893, ed. chr. 20, l. 25,

25 Ibid:

26 Ibid., ed. chr. 62, ll. 1-9.

27 "Turkestan Vedomosti", 1894, N 90.

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the line length was 752 km 28 . There were such new means of transportation as chaises, sleighs, even the first cars - in Pishpek and Tokmak, boats - on Lake Issyk-Kul. Kyrgyz farmhands quickly learned how to harness horses from the Russians, and arcs, yokes, and sleds appeared on their farm. At the beginning of the 20th century, the first railways were built in Kyrgyzstan. In 1912, the Kokand-Namangan and Gorchakovo - Skobelevo lines were opened, followed by a branch line to Jalal-Abad. In 1913, construction of the Arys - Pishpek line began.

The penetration of elements of capitalism into the economy of the Kyrgyz people caused some changes in their everyday life. Differentiation of the local population increased. The Kyrgyz poor, deprived of livestock and pastures, began to settle on the land. The process of transition to settlement was particularly rapid in the areas of mass Russian colonization: in the Issyk-Kul basin and in the Chui Valley. Senator K. K. Palen's report on the revision of the Turkestan region stated that the appearance of Russian peasants and their example of farming "greatly accelerated the transition of nomads to agricultural life." 29 The desire of the Kyrgyz bukaras (poor people) to settle down especially intensified in the late XIX-early XX century. The administration of the Turkestan region received collective applications from the Kyrgyz poor with a request for land management and their separation from the nomadic volost to form a separate settled society on a peasant basis. In this way, the Kyrgyz poor hoped to get out from under the yoke of the ancestral nobility (Manaps and Bais). The Kyrgyz feudal elite prevented the transition of the Kyrgyz to a settled life. She was afraid of losing her labor force, and therefore her power over Bukara.

In Northern Kyrgyzstan, at the turn of the XIX - XX centuries, the first Kyrgyz settled settlements and even entire settled volosts spontaneously emerged. In 1899, the first Kyrgyz peasant village of Tash-Tyube appeared-15 km south of Pishpek30 . After him, the village of Chala - Kazak was formed to the west of Pishpek. The inhabitants of these villages called themselves peasants. Another Kyrgyz settlement, Boz-Uchuk, was established in 1900 in the foothills of the eastern coast of Issyk-Kul .31 The Kyrgyz settlements of Tepke, Chirak, Tashtak, Temirovka and Darkhan also appeared in the Issyk-Kul basin. Since it was mainly the poor who moved to settlement, the houses they built were rather primitive. They were small mud buildings, consisting of one or two rooms, with a mud floor, a flat roof, and small windows. In the village of Tash-Tyube, a single street lined with Poplars, the Kyrgyz poor built their houses in the Russian style, with gable roofs covered with reeds and small windows. With the development of trade, the products of the Russian factory industry penetrated more and more into the life of the Kirghiz people: iron and cast-iron products, chests, factory-made dishes, samovars and sewing machines (which were purchased mainly by well-to-do people) and other household items.

Despite the fact that tsardom cultivated hostility and alienation between peoples, there were isolated cases of Kyrgyz marrying Russian women (less often - Russians with Kyrgyz women), conversion of Kyrgyz young men to Orthodoxy, or adoption of Orthodox Christianity.

28 D. Aitmambetov; Some data on medical, cultural and educational institutions and the press in Kyrgyzstan in the second half of the XIX-beginning of the XX century. "Proceedings" of the Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the Kyrgyz SSR. Vol. V. Frunze. 1959, p. 131.

29 "Report on the audit of the Turkestan region, produced by ... K. K., Palen", pp. 338-341.

30 Shkapsky Island Kyrgyz peasants (From the life of Semirechye). Izvestiya Russkogo geograficheskogo obshchestva, Vol. XI, St. Petersburg, 1905, pp. 768-769.

31 G. Abramovich, V. Baranov. Op. ed., p. 17.

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Russian peasants of Islam. However, such facts were considered reprehensible and condemned.

In the second half of the 19th century and especially at the beginning of the 20th century, due to the breakdown of the old order and the emergence of new phenomena in the social life of the Kyrgyz, two opposing trends began to appear more and more clearly in their oral works: reactionary-feudal and progressive - democratic. The influence of advanced Russian culture on the social life of the Kyrgyz people was perceived differently by the bearers of these trends. The disintegration of patriarchal-feudal relations and the emergence of new social strata in local society created anxiety and fear among the Bais and Manaps. Anticipating the loss of their past, "unshakable" positions and power over the people, among which the spirit of protest and freedom was increasingly awakened, representatives of the feudal elite fell into pessimism. Their ideologists characterized the time they were experiencing as "zar zaman", "tar zaman", "akyr zaman", that is, the era of weeping, troubles, suffering and grief. Hence the name of the supporters of this ideology - "zamanists". The works of akyns-zamanists were imbued with motifs of despondency and melancholy, a premonition of impending misfortune. Not seeing the historical perspective, they turned their gaze to the past, idealizing it as an era of universal prosperity. Akyns Kalygul Baev, Arstanbek Boyloshev and some others were typical representatives of the interests of the local feudal elite, defenders of obsolete patriarchal-feudal relations. The Akyns-Zamanists opposed the entry of Kyrgyzstan into Russia, not understanding its progressive consequences. They oriented the Kyrgyz people towards the countries of the Muslim East, preaching the ideas of Muridism, hostility and irreconcilability to all non-believers. They tried to substitute the struggle against the colonial oppression of tsardom for the struggle against the Russians in general; although some of them condemned the Manaps and Bais for their greed and despotism, they did not call for a struggle against them, but only appealed to their sense of "justice."

In contrast to the reactionary culture of the Bais and Manaps, elements of democratic culture were growing stronger in Kyrgyz society. The Kyrgyz nobility, as the bearer of the prevailing feudal-clerical tendencies, hiding behind the flag of the struggle for the purity of "national culture", "national tradition", opposed the influence of advanced Russian culture on the Kyrgyz, because they were afraid of awakening the revolutionary consciousness of their people. But he was already walking hand in hand with the fraternal Russian people. The ideological defenders of the Kyrgyz workers were the folk singer-democrat Toktogul Satylganov (1864-1933), the poet - educator Bayymbet Abdrakhmanov (1860-1942), nicknamed Togolok Moldo, and the talented Akyn Barpy Alykulov (1884-1949). Coming from a working class background, they expressed the interests of the masses, denounced the Manaps, Bais and tsarist colonialists as the culprits of disasters and suffering of the people, spoke out against social injustice, for rapprochement with the Russian "people, for familiarizing them with its advanced culture. In the late XIX - early XX centuries, along with poetry, original national music, as well as national sports and games were further developed. Due to the lack of theaters and other cultural institutions, sports and games were important in the social life of the Kyrgyz, filling their leisure time and to some extent satisfying their spiritual needs.

Despite the colonial policy of tsarism, its desire to stifle any manifestation of national culture and thereby keep the peoples of the outskirts in darkness and ignorance, secular schools, medical and cultural-educational institutions began to appear on the territory of Kyrgyzstan in the second half of the XIX century. Opening Russian schools in Turkestan, the tsarist administration, of course, took care of the education of the children of Russian immigrants. However, at the same time, it, as usual, is-

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I went out of class interests. Two kinds of schools were opened in the region for Russians: elementary (lower) schools for the children of "Russian commoners" and district schools for the children of officials, merchants and other wealthy individuals who would later wish to receive a gymnasium education. Schools of the second type were opened in county towns or other large localities. The primary level also included parochial, parochial, private and agricultural schools.

The tsarist government sought to use schools as one of the means of Russifying "foreigners". To this end, it was supposed to jointly teach children of the Russian and indigenous populations in primary schools. But only a small number of Kyrgyz children were attracted to Russian schools, because at first the indigenous population looked at these schools with suspicion, fearing that they might affect the children's observance of national customs. In addition, Muslim clergy actively campaigned against teaching in Russian schools. Then the Turkestan administration began to implement another plan of Russification - by creating Russian-native schools, in which the Russian language was introduced as mandatory, but at the same time teaching the Muslim religion was allowed. These schools have been operating since 1886. They were designed to establish a certain balance between two types of schools: state (Russian) and national - confessional (local, religious). But the creation of Russian - native schools did not dispel the distrust of the local population in the policy pursued by the authorities. Parents refused to send their children to school. In this regard, some children of minor employees were forcibly sent to schools on the orders of the authorities. The money required to pay for teachers of Russian - native schools, in the form of a special tacit tax, was collected annually by volost administrators and village elders from all the houses of villages or yurts of villages. At the same time, there were many abuses.

Mastering the Russian language allowed students of Russian-native schools to later become translators for bailiffs, parish clerks, etc. Therefore, at the beginning of the 20th century, the attitude of the indigenous population to education improved markedly. But the number of Russian-Native schools significantly lagged behind the growth in the number of Russian schools. In 1914, the Turkestan Region had 545 primary schools under the Ministry of Public Education. They employed 1,004 teachers and 37,619 children. There were only 96 Russian-Native schools. Of these, there were 16 schools on the territory of Kyrgyzstan (within the current borders), where only 740 people were trained .32 Russian-native schools played a well-known role in the spread of literacy. They taught Russian, arithmetic, geography, and history. The best teachers of Russian - native schools fought for the dissemination of knowledge among the people, for rapprochement and friendship between Russians and Kyrgyz. Such teachers were V. P. Rovnyagin, A. S. Lobanov, A. V. Rusikov, A. I. Sapozhnikov and others.

There were only two city schools in Kyrgyzstan (in 1879, one of them opened in Przheval'ok, and the other in 1890 - in Pishpek)33 . The local population showed great interest in these educational institutions. In 1894, up to 60 applications were received from the Kirghiz people of Przhevalsky uyezd with a request to take their children to the city school, but 35 of them were not satisfied due to lack of places. Of the Kyrgyz children admitted to the school, five attended classes only in warm weather due to the lack of warm outerwear and shoes .34 In Pishpeksky city district

32 D. Aitmambetov. School business in Turkestan. Frunze. 1963, p. 31.

33 TsGA UzSSR, f. 47, op. 1, d. 934, l. 42.

34 Ibid., f. 1, op. IV, d. 1817, l. 5.

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only 20% of Kyrgyz children attended school 35 . There were also so-called agricultural schools in the Turkestan Region intended for the indigenous population .36 These schools were almost exclusively attended by children of poor parents, and the rich, who considered physical labor humiliating, looked down on these schools with contempt. In Kyrgyzstan, there were Przheval (since 1888) and Pishpek (since 1890) agricultural schools with 20 boys each. Later, the number of students in the Pishpek school increased to 30. Most of the students here were sons of Russian peasants, while most of the students at the Przewalski school were Kyrgyz. Both schools were primary in their program, and special in their goals, designed to train lower agricultural cadres. In these schools, training was combined to a certain extent with practice, pets were accustomed to tru? they also received general knowledge about field farming, horticulture, melon growing, etc. But still, agricultural schools trained a certain number of literate people, mostly from the children of the poor.

The desire of the local population for knowledge increased, as evidenced by such facts as fundraising for public education and petitions to the local administration to open high schools and even progymnasiums and gymnasiums, evening courses, etc. In the end. 1912 - the Pishpek men's Gymnasium was opened- the only secondary educational institution in pre-revolutionary Kyrgyzstan. However, a small number of Kyrgyz children, the sons of influential people, studied there. Mostly, children of representatives of the urban elite entered the gymnasium. The Kyrgyz of Kanaevskaya, Kuntuevskaya and Baitikovskaya volosts of Pishpeksky uyezd in a statement to the Turkestan Governor-General wrote:: "The nomadic population of our uyezd donated 100,000 rubles for the construction and opening of a men's gymnasium in Pishpek, and 60 kopecks per yurt is paid annually for maintenance, but for some reason our children are not accepted into the gymnasium." 37 A year earlier, in 1911, the Przewalski Women's Gymnasium was opened, the content of which was taken over by the Przewalski City Society. It was mainly attended by the daughters of wealthy people. In 1916, the private women's school that existed there was transformed into the Pishpek Girls ' Gymnasium.

During the Kokand Khanate, Kyrgyzstan did not have a public health system. All "medicine" was in the hands of local anahars, ignorant mullahs and partly folk healers (tabibs). In the 60-70s of the XIX century, the first medical institutions appeared in the region: sites with medical personnel, small pharmacies, emergency rooms, and later hospitals. They were mostly housed in houses rented from private individuals, completely unsuited for medical purposes, and maintained at the expense of insignificant funds from city revenues, land dues, and random donations. The territory of Kyrgyzstan was divided into 11 medical districts. The medical staff of each of them consisted of a doctor, a paramedic, a midwife and two smallpox specialists (one from the local population - for Kyrgyz volosts, the other for Russian villages)38 . In a number of large localities, there were emergency rooms (for 4-6 beds), but they could not bring tangible benefits. According to the state, a paramedic and an interpreter were required here. The paramedic, under the supervision of the district doctor, prepared and dispensed medicines. Since the 90's, in such large localities as Pokrovskoe, Jalal-Abad, Bazar-Kurgan - in the south, Sazanozka, in the north of the city.-

35 Ibid., d. 1347, l. 17; d. 1440, l. 9.

36 "Review of the Semirechensk region for 1888". Truthful. 1889, p. 53.

37 TsGA UzSSR, f. 47, op. 1, d. 992, ll. 146-147.

38 TsGIA OF the USSR, f. 1396, op. 1, d. 324, ll. 112, 115-116.

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ryn and Tokmak - in the north, and in some others began to open paramedic outpatient centers, and after them - local hospitals. Since 1900, Osh has had a 15-bed city hospital, 39 and a 10-bed hospital for Kyrgyz women, 40 . In 1913, " 7,046 people were treated on an outpatient basis in the city hospital, of which 5,543 were from the local population." Since 1907, district hospitals have been operating in the villages of Belovodskoye and Sazanovka in the Pishpeksky district. In the same year, a 6-bed district hospital operated in the village of Dmitriyevsky - in the Talas Valley 42 . The Przewalski Municipal Hospital had 8 beds in 1903 and 12 in 1914. The hospital received 1,000 - 1,200 rubles ' worth of medical supplies and dressings every year; it had surgical and amputational instruments at its disposal .43 The hospital also worked in Pishpek. Finally, there were military infirmaries in Osh, Pishpek, Przhevalsk and in the Naryn fortress, which sometimes provided medical care to the civilian population as well .44 They had pharmacies that sold medicines. Pharmacies for the local population were opened in Przhevalsk and Pishpek in 1899, in Tokmak, as well as in the village of Sazanovka-in 190145 .

Thus, the medical network in pre-revolutionary Kyrgyzstan was concentrated in cities, as well as in the locations of military units and in migrant settlements. There were only 4 city hospitals (Przheval, Osh, Pishpek and Tokmak) with a total of 70 beds, 5 rural hospitals (Karabalta, Alexandrovskaya, Belovodskaya, Sazanovskaya and Bazar-Kurgan) with a total of 30 beds, and 21 paramedic stations. Only 15 doctors worked in nine hospitals .46 Five pharmacies sold medicines for the civilian population. According to statistics, Kyrgyzstan also had 15 beds for pregnant women and women in labor47 . All these institutions could not meet the needs of the local population for medical care either in terms of scale or organization. In addition, they were intended primarily for Russians. Providing medical care to the indigenous population and health education were by no means part of the task of tsarism. The authorities ' concern for "protecting the health" of the people was to implement quarantine measures in order to prevent epidemics, to protect the troops and the Russian population from infection with infectious diseases. This is eloquently evidenced by the message of priest Kolobov from Issyk-Kul: "Of the infectious diseases, smallpox alone annually claims many victims among the local natives. Smallpox also appears in Russian villages, but thanks to the vigilance of medical supervision, the infection was stopped in a timely manner. " 48 In addition to smallpox, in Kyrgyzstan

39 "Guidebook to Turkestan and the Central Asian road", St. Petersburg, 1908, p. 397.

40 Turkestan Vedomosti, 1901, No. 17.

41 TsGA UzSSR, f. 19, op. 1, d. 33036, ll. 144-167.

42 TsGIA OF THE USSR, f. 391, op. 3, d. 492, l. 45; op. 4, d. 933, l. 43; f. 1396, op. 1, d. 330, l. 106.

43 TSVIA SSSR, f. 400, Asiatic part, 1914, ed. chr. 142, l. 3.

44 I. I. Geyer. Ferghana region. "All Russian Turkestan". Tashkent, 1909, p. 244; D. Fedorov. Zhungarsko-Semirechensk border region. Ch I. Tashkent. 1910, p. 159.

45 TsGIA of the USSR, f. 1263, d. 5502, journal article 292, 1901, l. 399; f. 391, op. 3, d. 492, ll. 47-48; "Turkestan Vedomosti", 1901, N 101; TsGIA of the USSR, f. 400, Asian part, 1899., ed. hr. 243, l. 33.

46 A. A. Aidaraliev. Friendship forever. "Soviet healthcare of Kyrgyzstan", 1963, N 4-5, p. 6; Central State Administration of the Kyrgyz SSR, f. 21, op. 2, d. 132, l. 29.

47 "National economy of the Kirghiz SSR". Statistical collection. Frunze. 1957, pp. 167, 172.

48 M. Kolobov. Holy Trinity Issyk-Kul Missionary Monastery and its surroundings. "Semirechensk regional Vedomosti" (unofficial part), 1905, No. 17.

page 64

epidemics of cholera and typhus did not stop; many people were ill with syphilis, tuberculosis, and children's infectious diseases were widespread. All these diseases claimed many thousands of lives every year.

Gradually, the Kyrgyz realized the superiority of scientific medicine over Tabib healing. Where there were Russian doctors, the local population was increasingly willing to turn to them .49 This desire has grown stronger every year. According to incomplete data, the number of Kyrgyz patients registered in Issyk-Kul uyezd who applied for medical care averaged 194 people per year in 1871-1880, 741 people in 1881-189050 . In 1913, reports on the number of patients who used the Bazar-Kurgan rural medical center and outpatient clinic in the Jalal-Abad district of Andijan indicate that the first one was visited by 5,125 people, including 1,531 Uzbeks, 2,073 Kyrgyz, and 193 people of other local nationalities; the second one-6,770 people, including Uzbeks . 2253, Kyrgyz-2291, representatives of other local nationalities-100 51 . Such Russian doctors as F. V. Poyarkov and A. Przhegodsky, paramedic V. M. Frunze (father of M. V. Frunze) and others, not only provided medical care to the indigenous population, but also conducted sanitary and educational work, fought against the age-old enemies of the Kyrgyz people - smallpox, tuberculosis, trachoma. V. M. Frunze's close friendship with the" foreigners " gave rise to a hostile attitude of local officials towards him.

One of the most important aspects of the work of Russian doctors was that, while fighting against the widespread smallpox among the indigenous population, they prepared smallpox vaccinators from its environment. In 1883, 20 smallpox vaccinators were working in Tokmak uyezd , and 52 in Issyk-Kul Uyezd - 16; in 1898, their number increased: in Pishpeksky uyezd - up to 35, in Przhevalsky - up to 29; in the same year, in the same uyezds, 7357 and 16141 people were vaccinated, respectively . The importance of vaccinations was gradually realized by the local population. Smallpox specialists of the Tokmak medical district (one of them was a Kyrgyz) performed 12061 vaccinations during three years (1905 - 1907) .55 However, the successful fight against smallpox was hindered by the spread of various kinds of slanderous rumors (about the imposition of a Russian brand, about the inoculation of Muslim children with the blood of Kaafirs-infidels, etc.).

Russian doctors have also contributed to such an important task as research and proper use of medicinal waters in Kyrgyzstan. They studied the physico-chemical and therapeutic properties of a number of mineral springs, which then began to serve therapeutic purposes. Local institutions and the Red Cross Society provided scanty funds for the maintenance of the springs. A number of works by pre-revolutionary researchers, in particular N. Goyzig, M. Rozhdestvensky, N. Teikh, I. Bunin, etc., are devoted to the description of mineral springs and resort riches of Kyrgyzstan.

49 G. A. Kolosov. Medical aid to foreigners of Turkestan and their attitude to Russian doctors. Part II. St. Petersburg, 1903, p. 110.

50 V. Vyshpolsky. Medical and topographical sketches of Issyk-Kul uyezd (Przhevalsky) Semirechensk region with a description of the prevailing diseases, depending on the soil, climate and living conditions, among the population of the county (for the period 1870-1890 in the civilian population and 1884-1894 in the military). "Military Medical Journal". Book X, N 9-12. SPB. 1895, p. 154.

51 TsGA UzSSR, f. 19, op. 1, d. 33028, ll. 15-38; d. 33030, ll. 60-87.

52 Tokmak and Issyk-Kul counties were later called Pishpek and Przheval districts.

53 A. E. Alektorov. Diseases of the Kirghiz people and means of their healing. "Materials for studying the country, history and everyday life of the Kyrgyz". Issue II. Orenburg, 1892, p. 23.

54 TSGVIA SSSR, f. 400, Asiatic part, 1898, ed. hr. 336, l. 2.

55 TsGIA OF the USSR, f. 1396, op. 1, d. 324, ll. 115-116.

page 65

At the beginning of the XX century, public libraries - reading rooms-appeared on the territory of Kyrgyzstan. On May 14, 1902, the first folk reading room in the Semirechensk region was opened in Przhevalsk. Great merit in organizing it belonged to the city headman, a doctor by profession, N. M. Barsov 56 . In its reading rooms, you could get various magazines and newspapers. The library began to win the sympathy of the population. In addition to the membership fees paid by honorary members, the library received donations in the form of money and books from the Russian and local population. But these funds were very limited, and the library-reading room was constantly in need of money. In 1904, it was reported that "the pride of Przhevalsk, the only free library-reading room in the region, is barely making ends meet, and now, in order to somehow prolong its existence, it has resorted to selling newspapers by weight for the past two years"57 . Only thanks to the efforts of enthusiasts, the library continued to function. It was financially supported by a circle of dramatic art lovers that existed in Przhevalsk and periodically staged performances, the fees from which were received in favor of the library 58 .

At the Muslim charitable society in Przhevalsk, opened with the permission of the military governor of the Semirechensk region in 1908, there was a Muslim library-reading room. Here you could get newspapers and magazines "Yulduz", "Nur", "Vakyt", " Butulkhan "( in Tatar), "Russian word", "Regional Vedomosti" and others. 59 A public library also existed in the village near the Issyk-Ata spring. It was established in 1892. Her books were partly donated by philanthropists, and partly purchased at the expense of the local Red Cross administration. In 1908, there were up to 2 thousand books 60 . In 1912, the Tokmak district library-reading room was opened. In the first few days, 70 people signed up for it. Its readers were Kyrgyz (30 people) from the Zagorny volosts of the Pishpeksky district (all of them, of course, were wealthy people). By decree of the library board, poor readers were given free subscription tickets. The purpose of the library-reading room was to provide an opportunity for people who have received primary education to engage in self-education through reading, as well as to provide a reasonable rest for the literate population. In 1912, the Tokmak Public Library - reading room received 23 periodicals in Russian and" Muslim " languages (Tatar, Turkish, Uzbek, Kazakh, etc.) 61 . At the initiative of the teacher I. A. Chesnokov, the people's library-reading room was opened in the summer of 1917 in Osh. More than one thousand rubles 62 were collected for its needs . In Pishpek, there was a public library-reading room (1795 books) and a Muslim library (500 books)63 . In addition, Kyrgyzstan had libraries attached to parish, city, and native Russian schools. Often they were turned into folk schools and met the needs not only of students ,but also of a much wider range of people. 64
56 "Turkestanskiye vedomosti", 1902, N 45; TSVIA SSSR, f. 400, Asiatic part. 1904, ed. hr. 73, l. 24.

57 Turkestan Vedomosti, 1902, No. 78; 1903, No. 102; 1904, No. 154.

58 "Turkestan Vedomosti", 1903, NN 19, 95; 1904, N 154.

59 TsGA UzSSR. f. 1, op. 31, d. 578, l. 61.

60 TsGIA USSR, f. 1396, op. 1, d. 324, ll. 101-106; "Semirechensk regional Vedomosti" (unofficial part), 1908, NN 9, 44.

61 "Semirechensk regional Vedomosti" (unofficial part), 1912, N 209.

62 TsGA UzSSR, f. 19, op. 1, d. 25340, ll. 7-12, 15; TSGA KirgSSR, f. 70, op. 1, d. 1, ll. 4, 8, 10, 27; "Soviet Kyrgyzstan", 26. XI. 1957.

63 Central State Administration of the Kyrgyz SSR, f. 653, op. 1, d. 138, l. 156.

64 Central State Administration of the Kazakh SSR, f. 90, op. 1, d. 41, l. 38.

page 66

A musical and dramatic circle operated in Pishpek; its members, on the initiative of an art lover, railway engineer V. V. Panfilovich, in 1914 agreed with the owner of the Edison cinematographic Theater to provide this building for performances and concerts .65
At the end of the 19th century and especially at the beginning of the 20th century, imported and local periodicals became widespread in the Turkestan region, including Kyrgyzstan: newspapers and magazines of various directions and content in Russian (most of them) and" Muslim " languages. To a certain extent, Marxist literature also penetrated here, with which a few literate Kyrgyz people introduced wider circles of the local population.

So, the initiative in organizing the first centers of culture in Kyrgyzstan belonged to representatives of the Russian intelligentsia. Sparing no energy and time, often disregarding hardships, many of its representatives worked selflessly in the field of public education and public health. Thanks to them, the rays of knowledge penetrated the environment of almost entirely illiterate local population, awakening in them new interests and the desire for a conscious life. "Together with the appearance of the Russians on Kirghiz soil," the workers of Soviet Kirghizia wrote to the Central Committee of the CPSU(b), " at that time still weak sprouts of culture and enlightenment began to appear. Not tsarism and its satraps, but the advanced representatives of Russia carried this culture. Outstanding Russian scientists and researchers-Musketov, Severtsov, Fedchenko, Semenov-Tianshansky, Przhevalsky-were the first to discover and describe the untold riches of our region. The mighty Russian culture has become a source of rapid progress for our people. " 66
65 Central State Administration of the Kyrgyz SSR, f. 688, op. 1, d. 67, l. 377.

66 Letter of the workers of the Kirghiz SSR Central Committee of the CPSU (b) in commemoration of the 20th anniversary of the Republic. Pravda, 3. III. 1946.

page 67


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