Libmonster ID: KG-1303
Author(s) of the publication: S. I. SMETANIN

The form of manufacturing with serf labor, which is characteristic of Russia, was most fully developed in the Urals. Therefore, the peculiarities of the formation of capitalism in the industry of serf Russia were most deeply and comprehensively manifested in the Urals. However, the period when feudal - serfdom and capitalist relations were intensively destroyed in the mining industry, when the contradictions of the feudal-serf system reached their greatest acuteness (the last decades before the abolition of serfdom), is almost not covered by monographic studies. Works on the history of production cover the 17th, 18th and some events of the early 19th century1 . In the fundamental work of S. G. Strumilin, only two of the 15 chapters of the second section 2 are devoted to the problems of the first half of the XIX century . The articles, which are mostly discussion articles, cannot reveal the full depth of the problems of this transition period.

S. G. Strumilin, V. K. Yadunsky, F. S. Gorovoy, V. Ya. Krivonogov and others addressed directly the issues of the industrial revolution and the growth of capitalist phenomena in the mining industry of the Urals. As the main (and practically the only) criterion of industrial revolution, their works put forward the development of technology and technology, in particular the introduction of a more progressive method of iron production - puddling and the growth of the use of steam engines .3 An increase in the use of hired labor is considered as evidence of the growth of capitalist phenomena in metallurgical enterprises .4 It is these two processes in the history of the mining Urals of the pre-reform decades that are given the greatest attention in historiography.

However, the researchers have not yet addressed the economic analysis of production - they have not considered the composition and dynamics of production costs, changes in the ratio of prices and production costs, and breeders ' profits. Meanwhile, such an analysis will allow


1 P. G. Lyubomirov. Essays on the history of the metallurgical and metalworking industry in Russia (XVII, XVIII and early XX centuries). XIX century). L. 1937; B. B. Kafengauz. History of the Demidov household in the XVIII-XIX centuries. Vol. 1, Moscow-L. 1949, et al.

2 S. G. Strumilin. History of Ferrous metallurgy in the USSR, Moscow, 1967.

3 S. G. Strumilin. Edict. op., ch. 19; V. K. Yatsunsky. The first steps of the industrial revolution in the Urals. "Socio-economic history of Russia of the XVIII-XIX centuries", Moscow, 1973; V. Ya. Krivonogov. Introduction of factory equipment in the mining industry of the Urals in the XIX century. "Voprosy narodnogo khozyaistva SSSR", Moscow, 1962.

4 S. G. Strumilin. Edict. op., ch. 18; F. S. Gorovoy. The fall of serfdom in the mining factories of the Urals. Perm. 1961; V. Y. Krivonogov. Wage labor in the mining industry of the Urals in the pre-reform period. "Wage labor in the mining industry of the Urals in the pre-reform period". Sverdlovsk, 1964, and others.

page 16


to identify with scientific certainty the economic efficiency of the introduction of new equipment and technology, the use of wage labor, to determine the ratio of feudal and capitalist in the socio-economic nature of production. However, in some studies, it was traced how individual items of production costs changed during the introduction of puddling, but no changes in the cost of the finished product were detected .5 This article attempts, without dwelling on the technical side of the industrial revolution and methods of labor exploitation, to give an economic analysis of the changes in the mining industry on the eve of the abolition of serfdom, to identify the economic content of the beginning of the industrial revolution in the Urals.

Sources for the economic analysis of production are the accounting documents of mining plants compiled according to the accounting rules. Source studies courses do not mention this type of source, and researchers have not used them. Other documents usually do not contain information about the economics of production. All sorts of reports on mining plants, which were regularly compiled by state bodies, do not mention the composition of production costs, the amount of capital, and even more so the profit of plant owners. The only known exception to this rule is that the materials of the special government commission of the 1950s were studied by V. K. Yatsunsky .6 However, the commission received from breeders not particularly reliable and not fully comparable information. As noted by V. K. Yatsunsky, breeders included in the fixed capital of enterprises not only "manor houses", "greenhouses", but sometimes also the value of land holdings and serfs ' souls. Various methods were used to calculate plant management and the amount of working capital. In the economic descriptions and statistical works of contemporaries, information about the economy of production is usually absent. Only in the work of X. In the Moselle region, economic data are available for some factories, but they are very heterogeneous, incommensurable, and in some cases even absurd .7 Random economic materials published in generalizing sources are unsuitable for economic analysis for the very reason that the processing of primary data (and therefore their interpretation) was, of course, not carried out in accordance with the principles of scientific political economy.

The value of factory materials for researchers is determined by the fact that these primary documents reflect all aspects of the economic life of enterprises, and in a systematic form that is optimal for economic analysis - in monetary terms. K. Marx noted that accounting is "a means of controlling and mentally generalizing" the process of production of goods, that in accounting " monetary expression of capital it acts only as the price of the elements of production " 8 . The reliability of accounting documents is determined by the fact that they themselves were a production management tool, a "control tool". From the reporting of mining plants of the Urals during the serf period, the most important are the following main types of documents: annual reports of factory offices and boards of factory districts, where all material and monetary production costs are given in a systematic form, and rolling balances are recorded


5 S. G. Strumilin. Op. ed., pp. 336-337; V. Ya. Krivonogoe. From the history of the Kamsko-Votkinsk plant. "From the history of plants and factories of the Urals". Issue 1. Sverdlovsk. 1960, p. 56.

6 V. K. Yatsunsky. Capitals and incomes of ferrous metallurgy enterprises in Russia in the 50s of the XIX century "Socio-economic history of Russia of the XVIII-XIX centuries".

7 x. Moselle. Perm Province, Part 2. "Materials for Geography and Statistics of Russia", vol. 18, St. Petersburg, 1862, pp. 228-229, 274, 313. .

8 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 24, pp. 153, 70.

page 17


and income; price lists that calculate the" factory prices " of products, that is, production costs per unit of production; caravan lists and caravan accounts that contain detailed calculations of the costs of delivering products to the points of sale; statements on the sale of metals.

However, it should be borne in mind that the final data of reports and price lists do not always correspond to the categories of Marxist political economy. For example, production costs include taxes that were actually part of the profit, and the "owner's income" or dues from factory peasants are included in the same accounts as elements of working capital. The annual report of the plant sometimes includes a part of the income and expenses on the estate of the plant owner - on the part of the estate that is subordinate to the factory office. All this requires amendments to the calculations of factory accountants, the exclusion of some items from the totals and the introduction of others.

To determine the organic composition of capital, the researcher needs to allocate labor costs. But it should be borne in mind that the money paid to the serfs was only a part of these costs. This should also include the cost of food provided free of charge and state taxes with zemstvo payments that the factory paid for serfs (with hired labor, the workers would pay them themselves), the maintenance of hospitals, schools, and so on. Thus, according to the Ochersky Factory report for 1860, out of 323,186 rubles of annual expenses, 173,306 rubles (53.7%) made up the cost of maintaining the labor force. Of this amount, only 45.4% was issued as cash wages, 5.2% was free food, 38.5% - state taxes and zemstvo duties, and 10.9% were included in "management expenses" (pensions, maintenance of schools and hospitals, etc.) 9 .

Another example of how the feudal elements of the organization of production were reflected in accounting documents is "owner's income". In the 1950s, the administration of Stroganov factories began to include under this name in the "factory price" of products the feudal rent that the owner would receive from serf workers if they did not work at the factory. According to the administration's calculations, such non-received income of the ps was from 5 to 7 rubles. from the serf employed in production. The main part of these charges fell on the most labor-intensive operations for harvesting coal, firewood, and ore. For example, at the Kynovsky factory in 1859. they accounted for 20% of the estimated "factory price" of iron ore, 45% of the "factory price" of coal at the Dobryansk plant in 1860, and 60% of the "factory price" of plank firewood .10 Naturally, it should be recognized that the administration's calculations to obtain two forms of surplus product from one exploited product are groundless and, consequently, to reduce the cost of production to the level of actual costs. Thus, the very difficulties of using accounting documents reflect the dual nature of the serf mining industry.

* * *

If by the beginning of the 1940s, the output of ferrous metals at private factories in the Urals was only 20% higher than at the beginning of the century, then in the 1940s and especially in the 1950s, the production curve rises steeply to double this initial level (in the first decade of the 19th century, the average annual output of private factories the number of factories was 4240 thousand pounds, in the 30s-5060 thousand, in 1851-1858. -


9 TSGADA, f. 1278, op. 2, 2214.

10 Ibid., dd. 2108, 2214, 2292.

page 18


7550 thousand, in 1859-1860 -9023 thousand pounds.)11 . The Demidovs ' production of ferrous metals doubled only in the 1950s. At the Bilimbayev Stroganov factories, the growth in the 40s of the XIX century was only 15%, in the 50s-50%, and in comparison with the level of the beginning of the century, by 1860, metal production increased 4.5 times. By 1860, the Chermoz factories had increased production by 94% compared to the beginning of the century, with almost all the increase occurring in the last 20 years .12

This jump at first glance confirms that in the 40s-50s of the XIX century in the mining industry of the Urals there is an industrial revolution. As you know, its obligatory economic manifestation is a sharp drop in the cost and price of products, which ensures the expansion of sales and rapid growth of production. It is precisely in reducing production costs per unit of output that the whole point of the transition from manufacture to factory is for the capitalist. But in the 40s-50s of the XIX century. iron prices did not fall. If at the beginning of the XIX century a pood of strip iron cost an average of 1 rub. 20 kopecks at the Nizhny Novgorod fair, and from the end of the 30s to the middle of the 50s of the XIX century-1 rub. 5 kopecks - 1 rub. 10 kopecks, then in 1858-1860. its price rose even to 1 rub. 35 kopecks. 13 . For some types of iron (for example, sheet roofing) it has increased to a much greater extent. Such a simultaneous increase in production and prices can only mean one thing-a sharp increase in demand, outstripping the development of demand over supply. Indeed, the domestic iron market in Russia expanded rapidly during these years due to the significant growth of the manufacturing industry and the birth of new enterprises. It was not the industrial revolution that lowered the price of metal and caused a sharp increase in its smelting, but the development of capitalism in other industries led to an increase in prices and, as a result, a sharp increase in production. Moreover, the cost of iron at this time increases in the same proportion as its price, and this does not economically correspond to the process of revolution (see Table 1).

The beginning of the industrial revolution in the mining plants of the Urals is considered to be the transition from the standard method of iron production to puddling. The facts revealed by the researchers irrefutably show that this transition actually took place in the 40s-50s of the XIX century. It is known that in England the introduction of puddling was the main act of industrial revolution in metallurgy. But you need to


11 I. German. Description of factories that are under the authority of the Yekaterinburg mining administration. Yekaterinburg, 1808; "Review of the mining and salt industry in Russia for 1835". "Journal of the Ministry of Internal Affairs", 1836, N 9; "Extract from the report of the Minister of Finance for 1836". "Mining Journal", 1837, part IV; K. V. Chevkin, A.D. Ozersky. Overview of mining productivity in Russia. "Collection of statistical data about Russia". Book I. St. Petersburg, 1851, appendix; A. I. Maksheev. Perm province. "Military Statistical Review of the Russian Empire", vol. 14, part I. St. Petersburg, 1852, p. 142, vedomost N 17; Yu. A. Gagemeister. On the state of the iron industry in Russia. "Economic index", 1857, issue 8, p. 184; A. P. Keppen. Mining and salt industry. "Historical and statistical review of the Russian industry", vol. I. St. Petersburg, 1883; TsGIA SSSR, f. 37, op. 3, dd. 563, 576, 693, 843, 947, 987, 1033; V. K. Yatsunsky. Materials on the history of Ural metallurgy in the first half of the XIX century "Historical Archive", Vol. IX. Moscow, 1953; I. F. Ushakov. On the development of ferrous metallurgy in the Urals in the first quarter of the 19th century "Scientific reports of the higher school. Historical Sciences", 1961, N 3, p. 70.

12 In addition to the sources mentioned above, see: for Nizhny Tagil plants: TSGADA, f. 1267, op. 8, d. 1338, ll. 12 vol. - 13; d. 1614, ll. 5-15; for Bilimbaevsky plants: TSGADA, f. 1273, op. 2, d. 1281, ll. 1 - 4; on Chermoz plants: T. A. Chernyavskaya. Production statistics of Lazarev metallurgical plants. "Questions of the history of the Urals". Collection 8. Sverdlovsk. 1969.

13 TSGADA, f. 1288, op. 1, d. 203, l. 132; f. 1278, op. 1, d. 228, ll. 26 vol. - 27; d. 944, l. 46; d. 1079; ll. 1 vol. -4; d. 1086, ll. 71-72; d. 1154, ll. 22-25; d. 2551, l. 2 ob.; S. G. Strumilin. Op. ed., p. 352.

page 19


Table 1

Cost of a pood of strip iron* (in kopecks)

 

1830s

1849s

1851-1857

1856-1860

Average for several private districts

54,2

65

65,5

98

Demidovs ' Nizhny Tagil district

51

74

77

80

Bilimbaevsky district of the Stroganovs

50,5

64

-

96,5

Lazarev Chermoz District

45

_

62

112

State-owned plants

56

57

62

87

-----

* Demidov factories: TSGADA, f. 1267, op. 8, d. 893, ll. 50-58; d. 1803, ll. 22-23; Stroganov factories: TSGADA, f. 1278, op. 2, dd, 1075, 1084, 1287, 2098, 2107, 2108, 2204 2214, 2292; on Lazarev factories: State Archive of the Perm region (GAPO), f. 280, op. 1, d. 417, ll. 183 -185, 340 - 355, 406 - 414; d. 833, ll. 181-183; on state-owned plants: GAPO. f. 280, op. 1, d. 730, l. 32 vol.; "Mining Magazine", 1845, N 3. pp. 411-412: "States of state-owned factories of the Urals, 1847", ed. 2. PSZ. Vol. XXII. SPB. 1848, M? 21203; S. G. Strumilin. Decree. soch., pp. 336, 349; on other plants: TSGADA, f. 1263, op. 10, d. 1270, ll. 11-14 vol., d. 1566, d. 1631, ll. 25-38 vol.; f. 1288, op. 1, d. 204, l. 51; X. Moselle. Op. ed., Part 2, pp. 162-331.

It should be taken into account that there it also meant the abandonment of scarce charcoal in favor of hard coal, which provided a significant reduction in production costs; in England, the process began by replacing charcoal with coal coke in the blast furnace operation. The Ural factories did not use coal at that time, and in the conditions of the Urals with the "ownership right" of breeders, such a transition did not provide a sharp reduction in production costs.

To clarify the reasons for the increase in production costs of Ural factories, it is necessary to analyze changes in the structure of these costs. To identify savings from the transition to pudding, sometimes compare the shop costs for iron pud during mass production and the actual pudding operation. But this is illegal. The hybrid method provided ready-to-sell strip iron, a blank for further processing, and also some grades for sale. Pudding only produced pudding balls or chunks. To turn them into strip iron, block iron, or grades, they were reheated and processed-sometimes in the same crick-and-hammer factories. During this operation, wages and fuel were additionally spent per unit of production, and part of the metal went into "waste". Therefore, it is more correct to compare the costs of obtaining the same grade of iron.

As is known, in the beginning puddled iron was generally more expensive than krichny 14; S. G. Strumilin emphasized that the transition to pudding ensured an increase in the number of products ("mass production") even with an increase in the cost price, because market demand developed.

In the future, strip puddling iron, as can be seen from Table 2, is cheaper than standard iron. Savings are achieved by reducing the cost of fuel and wages for shop workers. However, when converted to grades, puddled iron (at least in some cases) is still more expensive than imported iron. Consumption for fuel and wages in the manufacture of high-grade iron remains lower than in the traditional method, but other items of expenditure increase. Puddling iron processing technology at old Ural plants


14 S. G. Strumilin. Edict. op., p. 336 V. Ya-Krivonogoe. From the history of the Kamsko-Votkinsk plant, p. 56.

page 20


Table 2

Costs per 100 pounds of iron*

Factory and year

Variety

Shop floor costs rub. cop.

Including

Total amount of expenses rub. cop.

cast iron rub. cop.

coal, firewood rub. cop.

other materials, rub. cop.

salary, rub cop.

Chermozsky, 1853

band-based screech

52.00

37.67

4.20

3.70

6.43

63.67

 

stripe puddling device

40.85

33.45

1.17

3.65

2.58

53.60

N. Tagilsky1893

band-based screech

35.00

 

28 05

 

6.95

 

 

stripe puddling device

32.10

 

29 77

 

2.33

 

 

varietal krichnoe

35.60

 

28 08

 

7.52

 

 

varietal pudding

84.25

 

74.15

 

10.10

 

Dobryansky, 1960

varietal krichnoe

78.88

60.30

5.24

5.43

7.91

97.30

 

varietal pudding

98.98

80.55

5.86

7.05

5.52

121.67

-----

* GAPO, f. 280, op. 1, d. 883, ll. 181-183; TSGADA, f. 1267, op. 8, d. 1614, ll. 6-14; f. 1278, op. 2, d. 2108, ll. 7-50.

* * The difference between shop floor costs and total costs is the cost of maintaining auxiliary "factories", administration, and other overhead costs.

it was much more difficult than the original one. Even to get a blank, it was necessary to consistently forge this iron, cook it in a gas-welding furnace, pass it through rolls 15 , and when making varieties, the number of operations was multiplied. In the conditions of the organization of production in the mountain districts of that time, iron had to be transported from plant to plant several times during processing (for example, at the Demidovs')16 . Some grades (carved and tire) of puddled iron were not obtained 17 .

The more complicated processing of puddled iron compared to the standard one was a consequence of the incomplete transition of factories to new equipment. Puddling factories were built, which made it possible to obtain a large mass of iron, but the factory districts as a whole, and especially the advanced workshops, were still designed for processing iron ore.

So, the transition to puddling in most cases reduced the cost of wages for workers in iron workshops. However, so far this has not always been achieved in the production of long iron. A slightly different picture of changes in this indicator can be traced for iron production as a whole (including screed and puddling shops) on average in several districts. So, if in the 30s of the XIX century the salary of shop workers as part of the cost of 100 pounds of strip iron was 3 rubles 44 kopecks, then in the 40s of the XIX century-5 rubles 22 kopecks, and in 1860-6 rubles 40 kopecks. However, the share of this fee in all expenses decreased from 9.6% in the 1940s to 6.5% in 1860.18 The partial transition to pudding did not reduce the cost of the project.


15 Tuchemsky. Description of the Lysvinsky plant in technical and economic terms. Gorny Zhurnal, 1855, part III, book 7.

16 TSGADA, f. 1267, op. 8, d. 1614, ll. 6-14.

17 T. A. Chernyavskaya. Industrial and technical condition of the Lazarevs ' factories in the serfdom period. "Scientific Notes" of the Ural University, Sverdlovsk. 1967, N 42, historical series, issue 2, p. 186.

18 Golitsyn factories: TSGADA, f. 1263, op. 10, dd. 1488, 1517, 1566, 1631, 1646, 1660; Stroganov factories: TSGADA, wed. 1278, op. 2, d. 946, ll. 337-444, 528-530; dd. 1084, 2098, ll. 196 - 199; d. 2108, ll. 7-51; d. 2204, ll. 206-210; d. 2214, ll. 123-125; d. 2292, ll. 55 vol. -56; Lazarev factories: GAPO, f. 280, op. 1, d. 417, ll. 183-185, 230-232 340-355, 406-414; 883 houses, 181 - 183 ll.; Nizhny Tagil Demidov factories: TSGADA, f. 1267, op. 8., 1614, 6-14 ll.; V. K. Yatsunsky. Capital and income from ferrous metallurgy enterprises in Russia in the 50s of the XIX century p. 185; for-

page 21


However, the share of this item of expenditure has decreased, that is, these expenses have not increased to the same extent as others.

The general direction of changes is similar for individual districts. In the Chermozsky district of the Lazarevs, the cost of wages for iron workers per 100 pounds of iron increased from 4 rubles 20 kopecks (10.1% of the total cost) in the 30s of the XIX century to 4 rubles 97 kopecks (8.4%) in the 50s of the XIX century, in the Bilimbayevsky district of the Stroganovs-from 4 rubles 46 kopecks (8.5%) in the 1930s to 6 rubles 34 kopecks (6.55%) in 1860. Meanwhile, in the Chermoz district, the use of puddling was already ending on 19 .

Another circumstance also attracts attention: labor costs as part of the cost of 100 pounds of strip iron decreased from 6 rubles 20 kopecks. ser. (22.9%) in 1800 - 1810 to 3 rubles 44 kopecks.ser. (8.8%) in 1831-1840, that is, both absolutely and relatively. Meanwhile, there were no revolutionary shifts in technology and technology during this time. According to our calculations, labor productivity in iron workshops also increased by 15% in the first half of the 19th century (from 23.6 to 20.1 man-days per 100 pounds of iron). In the 50s of the XIX century. it increased, of course, more significantly - by 33% for ironmaking shops in general and by 66% for the transition to puddling (from 19.7 to 13.2 and 6.7 man-days, respectively)20 . Consequently, the transition to puddling significantly reduced labor costs in the actual iron workshops, but this did not provide a noticeable reduction in wages per unit of finished products.

The second cost reduction item in the transition to puddling is fuel costs. Indeed, the Bilimbayev plants spent coal on the production of 100 poods of iron (including puddling): in the 20s of the XIX century-17.4 boxes, in the 30s-18.5 boxes, in the 40s-19.5 boxes, in 1850 -15.7 boxes, in 1860 -8.4 boxes. At the Nizhny Tagil plants, coal consumption decreases from 14.9 cor. in the 20s of the XIX century to 12 cor. in the 50s; at the Chermoz plants-from 14.6 cor. in the 20s and 12.1 cor. in the 30s to 10.3 cor. in the 50s of the XIX century. . In some districts, this reduction provides some economic benefits: in the iron industry, fuel costs per unit of production fall. For example, in the Bilimbayev factories, this item per 100 pounds of iron is reduced from 5 rubles 85 kopecks (11.25% of all costs) in the 30s to 5 rubles 30 kopecks (5.5%) in 1860; in the Chermoz factories - from 4 rubles 50 kopecks (11.4%) in the 30s years up to 3 rubles 66 kopecks (6.3%) in the 50s of the XIX century 22 . Specific weight of these zats-


waters of Vsevolozhsk: V. Tatarinov. Description of the plants and mines of N. Vsevolozhsky district. Gorny Zhurnal, 1862, part II, No. 5, pp. 357-360, 363-367; Serginsko-Ufaleyskie zavody: I. P. Kotlyarevsky. Concerning the introduction of free labor in factories. Gorny Zhurnal, 1863, part 1, p. 545-548; kazennye: TSGADA, f. 271, ol. 1, d. 2729, ll. 349-351; "States of state-owned plants of the Urals, 1847", ed. 2, p. 170 - 171, 175 - 176, 188 - 189.

19 T. A. Chernyavskaya. Production and technical condition of the Lazarev factories in the serf period, pp. 183-186.

20 Ibid., pp. 185, 188; I. German. Edict. op.; P. E. Tomilov. Description of plants of the Uralsky ridge. "Mining industry of the Urals at the turn of the XVIII-XIX centuries". Sverdlovsk. 1956; X. Moselle. Op. op. Part 2, pp. 543-573; "States of state-owned factories of the Urals, 1847", ed. 2, p. 170 - 171, 175 - 176, 188 - 189; P. P. Anosov. Collected Works, Moscow, 1954, pp. 56-59; I o s s a. Reports on the operation of state-owned factories in 1855 "Gorny Zhurnal", 1857, part 1, pp. 55-60, 399-400; I. P. Kotlyarevsky. Op. ed., p. 545; Tuchemsky. Edict. op., pp. 100-150; I. Udintsev. Irbit factory. "Perm Gubernskie vedomosti", 1862, N 27; GAPO f. 37, op. 5, d. 126, l. 10 vol.; f. 280, op. 1, d. 626, l. 28; TSGADA, f. 1278, op. 2, d. 1295, l. 229; f. 1267, op. 8. d. 1614, ll. 6-8,

21 See the sources listed in footnote 18.

22 See ibid.

page 22


the rat is thus reduced by half, and the absolute value-by 10-20%.

The reduction of fuel costs in the iron-making operation is hindered by an increase in the cost of fuel. The costs of harvesting coal, ore and other supplies in the last decades before the abolition of serfdom increase sharply, both absolutely and relatively. The cost of coal and ore increased approximately twice from the 1930s to 1860, i.e., to a greater extent than the cost of iron increased. If in the 1930s the cost of harvesting coal, ore and other supplies averaged about 36% of the cost of pig iron, then in the 1950s-57%, that is, more than half of all costs for pig iron.

Table 3 Costs of coal and ore harvesting *

 

30s rub. cop.

40s rub. cop.

50s - rub kopecks.

Including 1858-1860 years rub. cop.

Per 100 poods of iron ore

Average for several counties

2.00

1.65

3.27

3.96

By Bilimbaevsky

4.15

2.40

2.90

3.18

On Chermozsky

2.71

-

2.09

-

On Gorobogradatsky on 1 box of coal

1.25

1.28

2.47

2.82

Average for several counties

39

57

79

93

By Bilimbaevsky

28

33

56

61

On Nizhnetagilsky

68

76

71

86

On Chermozsky

26.4

-

42

-

On Gorobogradatsky

-

62

88.5

1.32

-----

* Bilimbaevsky district: TSGADA, f. 1278, op. 2, d. 946, ll. 229-231; d. 1084, ll. 6 vol. -7 vol.; d. 1282, ll. 185-188; d. 1294, ll. 10-11; d. 1314; d. 1952, ll. 11-12, 96; d. 1961, ll. 20-26, 82-84; d. 2098, ll. 15-16; d. 2107, ll. 64-68; d. 2108. ll. 1-5; d. 2204, ll. 20-21, 205; d. 2292, ll. 13-15, 48-51; d. 2293, ll. 21-23, 45-48; d. 2339, ll. 84-88. 100-101. Chermoz district: GAPO, f. 280, op. 1, d. 417, ll. 177 - 179. 207 - 219, 338 - 339, 405; d. 764, l. 61; d. 883, ll. 158 - 162. Nizhny Tagil district: TSGADA; f. 1267, op. 8, d. 1614, ll. 5-5 vol.; d. 1803, l. 1; d. 1857. l. 82 vol.; V. K. Yatsunsky. "Capitals and incomes of ferrous metallurgy enterprises in Russia in the 50s of the XIX century, p. 183-184; Arkhangelsk-Pashiysky district: TSGADA, f. 1263, op. 10, d. 1566, 1631; d. 1715, ll. 2-6; d. 1763; Gorobogdatsky district:" States of state-owned plants Ural, 1847", ed. 2; S. G. Strumilin. Op. ed., p. 349; "Description of Gorobogodatsky factories". "Mountain Journal", 1839, part 1, book 3, pp. 372-387; part II. book 6, p. 450; other districts; H. Moselle. Decree. op. ch. 2; Tuchemsky. Op. ed., pp. 40-57; I. P. Kotlyarevsky. Op. ed., pp. 543-544; I. Savinov. Statistical sketch of the Vyatka Region. "Bulletin of the Russian Geographical Society", 1860, part 29, p. 12; Ya. Khanykov. Review of ore production of private Orenburg plants in 1838 "Materials for statistics of the Russian Empire", St. Petersburg, 1841, p. 92; V. Tatarinov. Op. ed., pp. 350-352.

The increase in the cost of procurement, obviously, was to some extent associated with the mass transition from serfdom to wage labor in auxiliary works, carried out in the 50s of the XIX century. The actual aspect of this process is sufficiently covered in the literature 23 . The immediate reason for this was an increase in the need for labor due to the expansion of production, which, in turn, was caused by an increase in demand for metal and rising prices. The need for labor not only expanded the scope of hiring, but also led to higher wages for "mandatory" works24 . To achieve an increase in labor productivity, the auxiliary-


23 See F. S. Gorovoy. Edict. op.; V. Ya. Krivonogoe. Wage labor in the mining industry.

24 M. V. Putilova. On the transition of enterprises of the Yekaterinburg Mountain District to the system of hiring labor. "Wage labor in the mining industry of the Urals in the pre-reform period", pp. 241-242.

page 23


some workers are transferred to piecework or even" free " pay. The contract method of harvesting becomes common, when the same factory peasants, while remaining serfs, act as hired workers. The transition from serf labor to hiring did not at all mean a change in the number of employees. Harvesting was still done by "rural workers". Only the forms of their exploitation changed, approaching hiring to one degree or another. Especially widespread was the practice of transferring serfs to rent payments and then hiring them to perform factory work, most often through contracts. Gratuitous or almost gratuitous corvee labor is no longer used.

Naturally, procurement with the help of contracts and hiring was more expensive than "on, salary". So, in 1818, at the Zlatoust plant, 100 pounds of ore" on salary " cost 83 kopecks, and with a free supply-1 rub. 12 kopecks in silver. A box of coal prepared at this factory for a salary cost 19 kopecks, and in the "free" way-65 kopecks .in silver 25.

In 1850, the Bilimbaevsky plants received 384.9 thousand pounds of ore from the "lord's kosht", and 442.5 thousand pounds from the "free supply"; 100 pounds of the "lord's" ore cost 2 rubles. 99 kopecks, and "free" - 2 rubles. 78.6 kopecks. In 1860, 288.3 thousand poods of ore were procured by the "lord's kosht", and 645.6 thousand poods were procured by contractors. 100 poods of ore, respectively, cost 2 rubles 84 kopecks and 3 rubles 54.6 kopecks. Kynovsky plant in 1859 ore "free delivery" cost 4 rubles. 32 kopecks., and its own billet-3 rubles. 57 kopecks 26 . However, the administration of this factory, with the full transition to wage labor after the elimination of serfdom, found that the real wages for auxiliary work did not increase at all .27 At Serginsko-Ufaleyskiye Zavody, after the reform, wages paid to employees for a box of coal with delivery turned out to be only 7% higher than for compulsory labor, and for a pood of ore-by 6% 28 . At the end of the 1950s, forced and hired labor was paid equally at Pozhevsky, Shaitansky, and some state-owned factories .29

On average, according to accounting documents, in the 50s of the XIX century, wage labor on billets was only 20-25% more expensive than serf labor. The difference, therefore, was not so significant. At the same time, the real difference between "mandatory" and free payment was even smaller.. The administration did not include part of the overhead costs in the cost of coal and ore procured by forced labor (they were usually divided only into pig iron and iron), and sometimes even such costs as per capita payments for employees and free provisions. With free payment, these costs were really absent. Thus, the cost of procurement increased not so much because employees were paid more, but because with the increasing need for labor, the remuneration of all auxiliary workers increased. This is understandable: serfs of the same owner could not perform the same work in radically different conditions.

The marked increase in procurement costs reflected a factor of progress, since the growth of labor recruitment and the convergence of wage and serf labor levels are certainly capitalist phenomena. But this relative and absolute increase in costs increased the number of-


25 PP Anosov. Op. ed., pp. 25-29. .

26 TSGADA, f. 1278, op. 2, d. 1952, ll. 11-12, 96; d. 1961, ll. 20-26, 82-84; d. 2292, ll. 13 - 15,48 - 51.

27 F. S. Gorovoy. Op. ed., p. 250.

28 I. P. Kotlyarevsky. Op. ed., pp. 543-544.

29's. Moselle. Edict. op. ch. 2, pp. 236, 281; V. Ya. Krivonogov. Wage labor in the mining industry, pp. 152-154.

page 24


of course, the cost of production also absorbed the remnants of the savings that the transition to pudding gave.

The rise in the cost of raw materials and fuel caused, first of all, a rise in the price of pig iron. Thus, the prime cost of a pood of bayonet pig iron of the Bilimbayev plants increased from 24 kopecks of silver in the 30s of the XIX century to 39 kopecks in 1860; the Arkhangelsk-Pashchiysky plants - from 16 kopecks to 22 kopecks; the Chermozsky plants - from 15 to 48 kopecks, and the state - owned Gorobogradatsky plants-from 15 to 38 kopecks .30 The share of the price of pig iron in the cost of iron also increased. If in the 30s-40s of the XIX century, the cost of pig iron averaged 47-49% of the cost of iron smelted from it, then in 1860 - 61%. At Bilimbayevsky plants, the cost of pig iron among the costs per 100 pounds of iron increased from 30 to 59 rubles, at Chermozsky-from 21 to 37 rubles 31 . This increase in the largest item of expenditure naturally overlapped with the small savings in fuel and wages that puddling could provide.

So, in the last decades before the abolition of serfdom in the mining industry, the Urals entered a period of technical and socio-economic restructuring, which was the content of the industrial revolution that had begun. The growth of capitalist phenomena in the country, in particular the construction of new enterprises, has sharply increased the demand for metal in the domestic market. This required such changes in the mining equipment, which would have allowed to increase the production of metal. Puddling is being introduced in factories. But other operations - fuel and raw materials harvesting, blast furnace process-remain at the same technical level, which slowed down the growth of iron production and increased its cost.

The incompatibility of technical reconstruction with feudal traditions made it necessary to change the methods of labor exploitation, bringing them as close as possible to capitalist ones, especially in the most labor-intensive auxiliary works for the procurement of fuel and raw materials. But in conditions when the labor reserves were almost exhausted by the former contingent of the serf population, the same serfs usually acted as hired workers. There were many intermediate gradations (contracts, a combination of hiring and rent, "free" pay for "their own maintenance" , etc.), in which the clear distinction between serf and wage labor disappeared, the level of payment for serf labor approached the level of payment for hired labor.

The change in methods of labor exploitation, as well as technical reconstruction, was of a capitalist nature. But economic stimulation of labor, while preserving the foundations of feudal-feudal organization of the economy, increased production costs, covering the savings from the introduction of new technology. The increase in costs was a manifestation of the crisis in the feudal - feudal organization of the economy, and this latter forced them to resort to wage labor.

The transition to puddling and some other transformations in mining equipment can obviously be considered the beginning of an industrial revolution, but only in combination with socio - economic changes, with the massive use of hired labor in procurement operations. However, in the conditions of the feudal organization of production, these elements of the industrial revolution could not provide the corresponding economic effect - a sharp decrease in the cost and price of products.


30 TSGADA, f. 1278, op. 2, d. 946, ll. 232-233; d. 1281, ll. 1 vol. -2; d. 1961 ll 84-86; f. 1263, op. 10, d. 1566, l. 1; d. 1631, ll. 23-37; GAPO, f. 280, op. 1, d. 417, ll. 180-183, 220-230; "A brief report on the operation of Gorobogodatsky factories". Gorny Zhurnal, 1845, No. 3, pp. 411-412; S. G. Strumilin. Op. ed., p. 349; H. Moselle. Op. 2, pp. 266, 269, 293, etc.

31 See sources in footnote 18.

page 25


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