This article describes the sacralization of a Russian monarch's person in the non-Christian religious systems of the Russian Empire (Islam, Buddhism, traditional beliefs). It shows that in Christianizing subjects' mythological worldview a tsar could play the role of a demiurge, replacing the pagan creator, and moreover, Russian Buddhists actually included the supreme rulers of the Empire in the pantheon of their faith. The government encouraged the imposition of the cult of the emperor by obliging the clergy of non-Christian faiths to engage the congregation in the celebration of national events related to the reigning dynasty (which also had religious overtones). Central and local administrative authorities invented prayers for the health of the ruling tsar and his family. These measures were an important means of involving the ethnic elites and, in general, the non-Slavic population, in participation in the life of the state and of implementing government policy in the national regions. The emperors' personal contacts with non-Christian subjects, including primates of non-Orthodox denominations, occupied a prominent place in government ethnic policy.

Keywords: sacralization, emperor, clergy, worldview, mythology, prayer, worship.

COOPERATION with the elites of the peoples included in Russia was the leading principle of Russian ethnic policy. An important means of engaging ethnic groups-

Trepavlov V. Russkiy tsar v nekhristianskikh kultakh Rossiiskoi imperii [The Russian Tsar in Non-Christian cults of the Russian Empire]. 2017. N 2. pp. 222-240.

Trepavlov, Vadim (2017) "The Russian Tsar in Non-Christian Religions of the Russian Empire", Gosudarstvo, religiia, tserkov' v Rossii i za rubezhom 35(2): 222-240

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It was necessary for the Russian elites (as well as the non-Slavic population as a whole) to participate in the life of the state, to implement government policy, to form a kind of cult of the Russian monarch1. This was achieved largely due to the sacralization of his person through various kinds of religious actions and publicly announced texts. Ideas about the supreme suzerain were formed among the" non-native " population largely spontaneously, in the course of life within the state, but sometimes they were also purposefully propagated (implanted)by local authorities. At a time when the will of history united speakers of many languages and several religions within common borders, the figure of the sovereign served as one of the few ideological and political bonds of a colossal multiethnic power.

The tsar himself was, of course, an Orthodox ruler. Adherence to the" Christian faith of the Greek law " was considered one of its main features in the popular consciousness.

Pyotr Pavlovich rings the bells,
The bells are ringing, the akathist is reading, -

it is sung in one of the songs of the Mordovian cycle about Paul I 2. The image of an all-powerful and merciful ruler served as an aid in the Christianization of "non-believers". A certain preacher in 1872 argued, addressing the Chukchi people, that all nations are descended from Adam and Eve, and therefore all people are brothers and sisters; that is why our tsar, who is paternally concerned for the welfare of his subjects, sends missionaries to you, otherwise judge for yourself, Fr. why should he spend his salary on me, the sexton, and the interpreter, if he did not pity you and wish you well? 3
In the patriarchal, mythical consciousness of many "foreigners", the tsar's persona acquired supernatural, fairy-tale features. Sacred limitless power of transformation-

1. See in detail: Trepavlov V. V. "The White Tsar". Obraz monarcha i predstavleniya o podzhanstvo u narodov Rossii XV-XVIII vv. [The image of the monarch and the idea of citizenship among the peoples of Russia in the XV-XVIII centuries]. Moscow: Vostochnaya literatura, 2007. Ch. II.

2. Ustno-poeticheskoe tvorchestvo mordovskogo naroda [Oral and poetic creativity of the Mordovian people]. Vol. 1. Kn. 2. Istoricheskie pesni XVI-XVII vekov [Historical songs of the XVI-XVII centuries]. texts, preface, commentary, translated from Mord. by A.M. Sharonov. Saransk: Mordovia Publishing House, 1977, p. 266. In the song, Pavel's first and middle names are mixed up.

3. The preaching of the Gospel before the Chukchi people / / Missioner. 1874. N 11. P. 115.

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I turned him into an all-powerful master who is capable of doing things that are beyond the reach of the common man. We have already written that the supreme state power was understood by the bulk of the population of Russia in the XVII-XIX centuries. as a phenomenon, firstly, total and all-encompassing, permeating all spheres of life; secondly, magically sacred, remote and unattainable, inaccessible to ordinary people; thirdly, personified-embodied in Tsar 4. In the pagan worldview, the owner of absolute power over the empire was awarded a personal heavenly patron. The character of the Mari pantheon Kuguzhan-yumo (kuguzha means "tsar"), or - using Rusism-Sar-yumo (god of the tsar), aka Osh-yumo (white god), took care of the head of state, inspired him with the intention to reduce taxes, and was responsible for the ruler's communication with his subjects. "The King knows not my need," began the prayer addressed to this god. A nightingale or white horse was sacrificed to him.5
The Russian tsar is involved in the myths of peacemaking, although in later records the mythical plots are transformed into a somewhat strange picture. A good example is the Mordovian historical song "On the mountains on the Woodpeckers":

On the mountains, the Woodpecker mountains Mordvins pray to God,
Bowing east to mother earth.
Murza, Tsar of Moscow, sails along a tributary of the Volga (variants: Volozhka,
Kamyshina),
On a tributary of the Volga River, the murza is sailing on a small boat.

The king sends gold and silver to the Mordovians. The old people of Mordovia send honey, bread and salt to the tsar in return, but the young people who are assigned to deliver all this eat the offerings and put earth and sand in baskets in return. The king, seeing the contents of the baskets, crosses himself and thanks God:

"Glory to you, my God, lord!
You gave me all this land

4. Trepavlov V. V. "The White Tsar". The image of the monarch and the idea of citizenship among the peoples of Russia in the XV-XVIII centuries. pp. 5, 6.

5. Kuznetsov S. K. Four days at cheremis during the Sureme / / Poltysh-knyaz cheremissky. Malmyzhsky krai, ed. - comp. Laidshemyer (V. N. Kozlov). Yoshkar-Ola: Yoshkar-Ola Center-Museum. Valentina Kolumba, 2003. p. 368.

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(option: Glory to you, God the king,
That you gave the Mordovian land into my hands!),
The Mordvins give me their entire territory.
I got what my soul wanted."
Murza sailed further along the Volga,
On the Volga River by boat.
Where to throw a hand of sand -
A city appears.
Where to throw a handful -
The village appears
(option: Where to throw a handful of earth -
Be there gradechku,
Where to throw a pinch -
To be a village there)6.

The collective image is shown here in the historically absurd figure of Murza, the tsar of Moscow 7, and the entry of Mordovia into Russia is presented as a fabulous misunderstanding. However, in the last part of the text, Murza-tsar appears in the guise of a demiurge, creating cities and villages. In the popular consciousness, he is endowed with the divine prerogative of peacemaking, which can be assessed as a rethinking of the organizing role of the tsar in the state. Both in the world and in the state, he brings order, stopping the original chaos - and here we can see the connection with the primary cosmogonic myths. The tsar in the traditional consciousness, which is beginning to be Christianized, takes the place of the pagan founder.

In the Mari tradition, a certain Cheremis, after a long service with Peter I, asks to be released home. To the king's question about future classes, he answers:: "I want to run, catch hares, pull bast and weave bast shoes." Peter lets cheremis go home, poda-

6. Ustno-poeticheskoe tvorchestvo mordovskogo naroda [Oral and poetic creativity of the Mordovian people]. Saransk: Mordovia Publishing House, 1983, pp. 15, 18, 19.

7. Perhaps, in this image, characters from different historical epochs mixed and layered-Andrey Bogolyubsky, Yuri Vsevolodovich, Ivan the Terrible (Vlasova Z. I. Folklore about Grozny in P. I. Melnikov and N. K. Mirolyubov / / Russian folklore. Vol. XX. Folklore and historical reality / Ed.by A. A. Gorelov. Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1981, pp. 116, 117, 129). It was also suggested that this character "was definitely a representative... symbiotic Burtassko-Bulgar-Mesher civilization, the direct descendants of which are the current Tatars-Mishars" (Khayretdinov D. The founder of Nizhny Novgorod is a Tatar! // Tatar news. 2005. N 7 (132). P. 10).

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give him a gun and bast shoes 8. Here the tsar acts as an archaic cultural hero, giving people economic attributes.

The main non-Christian denominations in Russia were and still are Islam and Buddhism. The clergy of both religions generally supported the supreme power of the empire and adjusted their flock accordingly. A single "highly priestly and royal day" of birth, namesake, and ascension to the throne was established, on which it was obligatory for Orthodox Christians, and desirable for non-Believers, to make "offerings for the health and prosperity of the Sovereign Emperor and His August House"9. Muslim high priests (muftis) sent instructions to the mullahs of mosques to publicly praise the ruling dynasty and offer prayers for it.

A rare and visible reason to show such an attitude ("sweetened" by a demonstration of boundless devotion) was presented during the trips of emperors and members of the reigning family around the country. At the entrance of the august travelers to the city, they were often met by the highest Muslim clerics and addressed them with grandiose welcome and thanksgiving speeches. The tsar or tsarevich came in contact with flowery oriental flattery, which sometimes had nothing to do with the true attitude of the speaker to the subject of his official "adoration" ("the center of peace and prosperity", "the universal consolation of many countries and innumerable peoples", "the great heir of the king of kings", etc.).10. Then a solemn prayer service was held, and not necessarily in the presence of a distinguished guest. Festive services were held in mosques and on other occasions. Obligatory edifying appeals to the faithful and joint prayers accompanied the entry of the empire into war 11; health services were held in honor of the accession of the next emperor and funeral services were held. -

8. Mari folklore. Myths, legends, and legends / Comp. by V. A. Aktsorin. Yoshkar-Ola: Mariisk Publishing House, 1991, p. 262.

9. Zagidullin I. K. Islamic institutes in the Russian Empire. Mosques in the European part of Russia and Siberia. Kazan: Tatar Publishing House, 2007, pp. 87-89, 191.

10. Mufti Abdulzhemid [Epistle to the Qadis] // Moscow Telegraph, 1831, part 42.

P. 134; Chamber-Fourier ceremonial journal of 1787. SPb., 1886. pp. 463, 465; Speech delivered by Orenburg Mufti Gabdussalyam Gabdrakhimov in Orenburg / / Journal of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, 1837. Part 25. N 9. pp. 535-538.

11. See, for example: Loyal telegram of the Kuban Circassians // Kuban Courier. 1914. 26 October. p. 3; Zagidullin I. K. Islamic institutions in the Russian Empire. pp. 91, 92.

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after the death of the tsar. In 1877, imams were ordered to celebrate the centenary of Alexander I's birth with a prayer service.12
On April 17, 1834, the eldest son of Emperor Nicholas I, Tsarevich Alexander, turned 16 years old. Couriers were sent from the capital to all parts of the country with the text of the supreme manifesto issued on April 22 on such a joyful occasion, and with instructions to solemnly celebrate the coming of age of the heir to the throne. A rescript written "in the Tatar dialect" was also sent to Ufa. The Orenburg Spiritual Mohammedan Assembly, which was located there, issued a decree that obliged Muslim clerics in their subordinate territories to organize festive events among the flock. Obeying these orders, the mullah (Imam) At the Khan's Cathedral Mosque in the city of Kasimov, Ryazan province, Gabdelvakhit Smailev gathered parishioners and addressed them with a speech that corresponded to the Muslim sermon (vaaz). In addition to his loyal outpourings, which were expressed in a suitably grandiose style, the mullah did not fail to briefly remind the audience of the rather distant past, when the Tatar Kasimov Kingdom was located in these parts of the Ryazan and surrounding provinces.13
Given the weight of the word spoken by the mullah in the mosque and its impact on the population, the authorities encouraged the compilation of prayers for the health of the king and the ruling House. Special importance was attached to texts specially written by officials for reading in educational institutions in front of Muslim schoolchildren. 14 Thus, they tried to artificially integrate the autocrat into the pantheon of Islam, making him a person involved in appeals to the Almighty.

One of the most famous works of this kind is the Muslim prayer for the tsar and for peace, compiled in 1820 (i.e., at the beginning of the Caucasian War) by A. P. Ermolov. It was typed-

12. Zagidullin I. K. Islamic institutes in the Russian Empire, pp. 91, 193. Official circulars on the procedure for performing prayers in mosques on solemn national occasions from 1898, 1902 and 1913, see: ibid. P. 397, 402, 403.

13. For more information, see: Trepavlov V. V. "Remnants of the tsars of the subject". Historical memory of the Tatars of the XIX century about the Kasimov kingdom / / History of the peoples of Russia in research and documents. Issue No. 6. V. V. Trepavlov, Editor-in-chief, Moscow: Institute of Russian History of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2014, pp. 148-165.

14. See, for example: Kazan Scientific and Industrial Exhibition 1890 Catalog. Training department. Kazan, 1890, p. 46; Tsentralnaya Aziya v sostave Rossiiskoi imperii [Central Asia as part of the Russian Empire], ed. by S. N. Abashin, D. Yu. Arapov, and N. E. Bekmakhanova, Moscow: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2008, p. 390.

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printed in a lithographic way and sent to local bailiffs, villages of the North Caucasus, for mandatory reading in mosques on Fridays and public holidays 15. There is an opinion that the Yermolov text was based on a prayer on the occasion of the imperial coronation, written by Feofan Prokopovich and first read during the enthronement of Anna Ioannovna in 1730. [16] However, it is not known whether this prayer was actually read somewhere and by someone, or whether it remained on the page of the general's order.

In the second half of the XIX century. The Synod developed standard texts of prayers for non-Orthodox denominations, which were sent to the Department of Spiritual Affairs of Foreign Confessions of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which, in turn, ordered their translations into the languages of the peoples of the Empire from the Asian Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.17
A similar initiative was also undertaken by the Congress of People's judges of Tashkent in 1892. He approved the text of the "prayer for the tsar"intended for reading in Tashkent mosques and" native Russian schools " .18
In the Buddhist regions, among the Kalmyks and Buryats, relations were built according to a similar scheme: prayers for health, well-being and longevity, assurances of eternal devotion 19. Some prayers were also commissioned by the authorities. At the initiative of the state authorities in 1853, the oath of allegiance was invented.

15. Berzhe A. P. Molitva dlya moslemov na Kavkaze, sostavil v 1820 g. [Prayer for Muslims in the Caucasus, compiled in 1820 by A. P. Ermolov]. 1881. Vol. 32. p. 454; Manyshev S. B. "It was certainly read by them in all places or meetings..." (On the prayer for the tsar among the Nogais of the North Caucasus in the first quarter of the XIX century). History. Language. Culture. From the sources - to the future / Ed. by N. Kh. Suyunov, A. Kh. Kurmanseitov, S. A. Kukaev. Cherkessk: B. ed., 2014, pp. 75-77.

16. Arapov D. Yu. Ermolovskaya molitva za tsarya 1820 g. [Ermolovskaya prayer for the Tsar of 1820] / / Severny Kavkaz v sostave Rossiiskoi imperii / Ed. by V. O. Bobrovnikov, I. L. Babich. Moscow: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2007, pp. 370, 371.

17. Zagidullin I. K. Islamic institutes in the Russian Empire. p. 89.

18. For the text of this prayer, see: Central Asia as part of the Russian Empire, p. 390. The author does not know to what extent this initiative of the congress was implemented in practice.

19. For example, "A prayer for the health of the deity who turns the wheel with his power, the mighty master of the Emperor Alexander II, called "Multiplying the term of life"": "May the health of the great monarch, the lord of men, who spreads the teaching of the Victorious One by the power of truth, spread like a new moon, the good law of ancient monarchs, and enjoy its perfect the splendor of all living things" (cit. by: Tsyrempilov N. V. Buddhism and Empire. Buryat Buddhist Community in Russia (XVIII-early XX century). XX century). Ulan-Ude, 2013. p. 207).

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on assuming the post of head of the Buryat clergy of the Ban-dido-hambo Lama:"...I give this oath to the most merciful Gurban-Erdeni, the three jewels, and to his Imperial Majesty the Most gracious Sovereign, the Emperor Nicholas Pavlovich, and to the heir to the throne of All Russia, Alexander Nikolaevich, and to all the great dignitaries who propagate their great deeds and execute the holy laws... I swear that I... have taken an oath to think of God and my sovereign, of his laws and rules of faith... the duty imposed on me by God and the sovereign to fulfill in the most just and impartial manner... " and so on. 20

In hymns and hymns addressed to the king, he was given the titles of chakravartin (ideal ruler), dharmaraja (righteous ruler), khubilgan (reincarnation of the deity), tsagan-bogdo-khan (white holy king), patron saint-burhan, and was credited with establishing laws consistent with dharma - the norm of a harmonious world order.21 At the place where the traveling emperor was pleased to dine, a sacred symbolic structure sume (stupa)was erected22.

Moreover, Russian Buddhists officially sacralized the tsar's persona, placing him among the most revered supreme beings. In the 18th century, the Buryat lamas declared the Russian Empresses Elizabeth Petrovna and Catherine II to be reincarnations of the White Tara (the embodiment of compassion, Tsagaan Dara-ehe), revered almost on a par with Buddhas and bodhisattvas, 23 the first for the official recognition of Buddhism in the empire (1741), the second for determining the legal status of this denomination (1763 Later, in the historical memory and mythologized consciousness of the people, the embodiment of Tara was also seen in Peter I, who in 1703 graciously accepted a deputation from the Buryats.

20. V. A. I. The oath of the bandido-hambo lama of the Mongol-Buryats of Eastern Siberia. Additions. 1884. September 22. N 38. P. 421.

21. Vorontsov A. A few words about the most loyal addresses from the Kalmyks of the Astrakhan province to His Majesty the Emperor Alexander Nikolaevich / / Astrakhan Diocesan Vedomosti. 1877. N 43. p. 5, 7; Frolova G. D. "Bogda-heir Nikolai" in the songs of praise of the Buryats // Oriental collection.

2004. N 4 (19). P. 30; Tsyrempilov N. V. Buddhism and Empire. P. 207; Tsyrempilov N. V. Lubsan Samdan Tsydenov and the idea of Buddhist theocracy in Transbaikalia. 2007. N 6. P. 71.

22. Frolova G. D." Bogda-poslednik Nikolay " v khvalebnykh pesniakh buryat ["Bogda is the heir Nikolai" in the songs of praise of Buryats]. p. 32.

23. However, the Buddhist sacralization of Elizabeth has no reliable evidence.

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A historical song dedicated to that embassy in Moscow describes it as follows::

The White Tsar by name,
Boundless in Virtue,
The Embodiment of White Dara-ehe
Our Holy Master 24.

Alexander III was also considered by Buddhists to be the rebirth of White Tara 25." Like God, the embodiment of the virtues of White Daraehe " appears in Buryat songs of praise (magtal) Nicholas II; sometimes claimed to be the reincarnation of Indra and Vishnu 26. In the colophon of his poem, Lama Lubsan Tsydenov, a participant in his coronation in 1896, follows this tradition: "When known as the incarnation of Tara Chintamanichakra, lord of men, the heavenly god Nicholas was enthroned, I turned to the gods of longevity and performed rites for his health."27. All these innovations, which at first glance seem to be at odds with the canons of Buddhist Teaching, were actually part of the upaya - the path to enlightenment, a method of spreading the dharma, which consisted in using secular power institutions to introduce it to the world (this was required by the civilizing mission of Buddhism)28.

However, the rulers of Russia, as far as we know, remained indifferent to "non-orthodox" compliments and did not comment on the likening of themselves to foreign deities. However, they did not prevent this, allowing subjects to use their usual images and associations to express censored feelings.

The celebration of the 300th anniversary of the House of Romanov in 1913, the last celebration of such a large scale, was of national significance.-

24. Tulokhonov M. I. Buryat historical songs. Ulan-Ude: Buryat Publishing House, 1973, p. 100.

25. Badmaev P. A. Za kulisami tsarizma [Behind the scenes of Tsarism]. Memories. Memoirs. Minsk; Moscow: Harvest Publ., 2001, p. 65.

26. Frolova G. D." Bogda-poslednik Nikolay " v khvalebnykh pesniakh buryat ["Bogda is the Heir Nikolai" in the Buryat songs of praise]. p. 30; Tsyrempilov N. V. Za svyatuyu dharma i belogo tsarya [For the Holy Dharma and the White Tsar]. The Russian Empire through the eyes of Buryat Buddhists of the XVIII-early XX centuries. p. 23. http://www.torchinov.com

27.Cit. by: Tsyrempilov N. V. Lubsan Samdan Tsydenov and the idea of Buddhist theocracy in Transbaikalia. p. 69. Chintamanichakra-a Buddhist deity who fulfills desires.

28. Tsyrempilov N. V. For the Holy Dharma and the White Tsar. p. 24.

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headquarters before the world War and revolution. Churches of all faiths held services for the glory of the dynasty. Following the recitation of the Koran and sacred Buddhist texts, praise was offered to the reigning House and, of course, to Emperor Nicholas. In" non-native " villages, feasts were organized with the singing of the hymn "God save the Tsar", educational lectures, treats, horse races, traditional and new amusements (gramophone, gramophone, "misty pictures", etc.) 29.

In the national jubilation, for all its strained officiousness, meanwhile, political, cultural and even psychological overtones were visible. Recognizing the priority of Orthodoxy, accepting the dominance of Russian culture, the peoples of Russia, by the fact of their involvement in the glorification of the royal family, seemed to equate themselves with the Russians and Orthodox, to assert themselves as equal subjects, as patriots of the empire as its largest ethnic group.

The rare appearance of an abstract, inaccessible and distant "white tsar" in front of his subjects caused them superstitious awe - even in those regions where the establishment of Russian power was accompanied by conflicts and repressions. This was clearly evident in the Caucasus, which was the scene of a long and bloody Caucasian war. Russian rulers have repeatedly visited this region30.

Reverence for the tsar's person is reflected in the Dagestani legend about how the local shamkhal ruler kissed the ground trodden by Empress Catherine, who accompanied Peter I on the Persian campaign. 31
The sacred person of Alexander II also inspired superstitious reverence in the highlanders. On the day of his arrival in the Chechen village of Vedeno on September 14, 1871, twins were born in the family of a local resident. Under the impression of a significant event, Father Narek

29. See, for example: Zemtsov S. [Letter to the editor] / / Kuban Regional Vedomosti. 1913. March 15. N 58. P. 2; Tokov N. The celebration at the foot of Elborus / / Kuban Cossack leaflet. 1913. March 9. N 376. С. 3; Crews, R.D. (2006) For Prophet and Tsar. Islam and Empire in Russia and Central Asia, p. 350. Harvard University Press.

30. Trepavlov V. V. Tsar's travels to the Caucasus. Members of the imperial family in fortresses and villages / / Rodina. 2015. N 10. pp. 102-107.

31. Potto V. A. The Royal family in the Caucasus September 18-October 14, 1888. Tiflis, 1889. p. 2, 3.

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They were named by Alexander and Michael 32 (in honor of the tsar and his brother, the Caucasian governor).

This attitude was evident at the beginning of the century, when Alexander I visited the region. Despite the fact that the irritation and rejection of the empire and its army advancing on the mountainous lands did not disappear anywhere, the worship of the all-powerful Russian ruler overlapped with negative feelings.: "The people adore him (the tsar) in rapture. He is the perfect father among his loyal subjects... although another time everyone is ready to set fire to Moscow without a murmur (my italics - V. T.) " 33.

A local woman rushed to Alexander III in the Kakheti city of Tsinandali, begging him to give a look at the sick child in her arms, and this will be enough for him to recover 34. The belief of the common people in the miraculous healing abilities of monarchs is well studied on the materials of the European Middle Ages, 35 but has almost no analogies in Russia.

Nevertheless, among the "gentiles" there were such convinced adherents of their faiths that they considered it inappropriate to worship an Orthodox ruler. Such a situation arose in May 1896 when the Buryat deputation was received in Moscow by the newly crowned Nicholas II. An embarrassing incident occurred during the audience. The head of the deputation, Lama Lubsan Samdan Tsydenov, remained upright during the general kneeling before the emperor, which caused embarrassment among fellow countrymen and led to confusion among the courtiers. The audience went on as usual, and after it Tsydenov had to explain with the highest officials and with his spiritual superiors.

The trial was headed by the Minister of Internal Affairs I. L. Goremykin himself. Tsydenov explained that he has the spiritual degree of a gelung, i.e. a monk who has taken all the vows, so he cannot worship the Christian king. Bowing to the tsar of his co-religionists is a shameful departure from the canons of Teaching. Scandal managed to prevent the main taishi ho-

32. They write to us from Vedeno // Terskiye vedomosti. 1871. October 15th. N 42. P. 3.

33. Ermolov A. P. Kavkazskie pismi [Caucasian letters]. 1816-1860. St. Petersburg: Zvezda Magazine, 2014, p. 29.

34. Potto V. A. The Royal family in the Caucasus September 18-October 14, 1888. pp. 163, 164.

35. Blok M. Koroli-chudotvortsy [Kings-Miracle Workers]. Ocherk predstavleniyakh o prenaturestvennom kharakteru korolevskoy vlast', rasprostranennykh predstavno v Frantsii i v Anglii [Essay on the supernatural character of the royal power, spread mainly in France and England].

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Rinsky Buryats to Ts. D. Ayusheev. He came up with the idea to explain the lama's behavior by "excessive patriotic feeling, which created loss of consciousness and insanity when meeting the royal person... this case is the result of the fact that he [Tsydenov] never left a backwater corner and did not visit cultural centers..."36. Thus, the reason allegedly lay in the enthusiastic stupefaction of the uncouth provincial from meeting the emperor. Tsydenov himself was dissatisfied with this ridiculous and humiliating version. However, the authorities were satisfied with it, and so much so that when Tsydenov left, among other fellow countrymen, he received an award-winning gold medal. As we can see, even in this case, considerations of mutual loyalty prevailed. The government turned a blind eye to the blatant disregard for mandatory norms of behavior on the part of the "alien", and the Buryat side hastily composed a conciliatory argument.

Nevertheless, the vivid impression of the imperial coronation, the very fact of involvement in such a historical event, inspired the rebellious Lama Tsydenov to create the poem on this occasion quoted above. It had a double title: Mongolian "I fly across the sky" and Tibetan-which in itself resembled a prose poem: "A new song inspired by the great joy on the occasion of the final ascension to the indestructible diamond throne of the mighty chakravartin, the deity established by heaven, Tsar Nicholas, praising the enthronement, telling in brief also about the glory of Russia, it has gained the power of two capitals, called "Repeatedly looking at the intimidating Bengal and African lions in the gardens of Joloka "" 37.

Ethnic politics, "internal diplomacy" in relation to diverse subjects was also manifested in personal contacts of autocrats (however, extremely rare) with the primates of non-Orthodox confessions. These were the meetings of Alexander I with the Uniate high priests in 1806.38 and of Nicholas I with the Armenian Catholicos in 1837. Catholicos Ioannes met with the Emperor in Etchmiadzin in September 1837.

36. Tsyrempilov N. V. Lubsan Samdan Tsydenov and the idea of Buddhist theocracy in Transbaikalia. pp. 65, 66.

37. Ibid., p. 69.

38. Camera-Fourier ceremonial journal of 1806. July-December. St. Petersburg, 1905, p. 74.

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for two of his nephews, Russian orders. The Armenian Patriarch believed that this would allow them to become Russian nobles. At that time, awarding any order really gave the right to hereditary nobility. The emperor listened to the request, smiled and ordered to" co-enroll " the young men in the Order of St. John the Baptist. Stanislav of the 1st degree. Ioannes himself was awarded the Order of St. Alexander Nevsky, along with a thousand chervonets 39.

In the same row was the aforementioned coronation audience of Nicholas II of the Buryat deputation, which included high-ranking lamas, etc. The very presence of "foreigners" at all-imperial celebrations should have inspired them with the idea of the greatness of Orthodoxy. An eyewitness to the coronation of Alexander I watched the enthusiastic reaction of a Kalmyk MP in the Kremlin's Assumption Cathedral. He "as if involuntarily" shed tears and crossed himself. The witness drew a profound conclusion about the coming time, when everywhere "the light of Christ will overshadow the turban-bearer and the Gentile." 40 Undoubtedly, the magnificent, colorful ceremony left a deep impression on the Buddhist soul and even encouraged him to make the sign of the cross, but this did not mean that he gave up his religious beliefs.

As for the Kalmyks, we note that they used the opportunity to demonstrate their religious identity and rootedness in the Buddhist faith against the background of boundless devotion to the autocrat. In the Region of the Don Army in 1887, the crowned couple and the heir visited the Buddhist temple-hurul of the Don Kalmyks, where the lama presented them with a silver incense burner of Tibetan production. And in 1909, Nicholas II and Tsarevich Alexey received an image of the deity Dara Ekhe 41 from the Kalmyk deputation in Tsarskoye Selo. The newspaper information does not specify whether it was a sculpture (which is more likely) or an icon. But it is clear that the image of the goddess of mercy from the Lamaist pantheon," the savior from the eight obstacles", implied an implicit suggestion to addressees of the gift of a favorable attitude towards Kalmyk subjects.

In 1908, the Don Kalmyks brought Nicholas II and Alexandra Feodorovna two wooden thrones with silver linings.

39. Berzhe A. P. Imperator Nikolay na Kavkaze v 1837 g. [Emperor Nicholas in the Caucasus in 1837]. 1884. Vol. 43. August. P. 383.

40. Makarov M. N. Memories of the coronation of Emperor Alexander I // a Collection of historical materials and documents relating to the new Russian history of the XVIII and XIX century. St. Petersburg, 1873, p. 63.

41. Deputation from the Kalmyks / / Astrakhan Bulletin. 1909. February 24, p. 3.

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True to their creed, they placed sacred zoomorphic figures from the Buddhist pantheon on their thrones, along with double-headed eagles.

Objects of religious worship were rarely featured as offerings. The Kalmyks were an exception in this respect. Moreover, gifts with Islamic or pagan ("idolatrous") symbols were not accepted. However, the Bashkir shejer describes an unlikely case where an assistant mufti "presented Padishah Alexander (III. - V. T.) with a five-hundred-ruble gold book during the coronation, writing prayers in it in Arabic and Russian", and received a gold medal for it. 42
The religious barrier did not separate the Russian monarchs from the Little Russians and Georgians, and Orthodox church paraphernalia was received favorably from these peoples. In 1805, the Mingrelian Prince sent Alexander I an icon of the Virgin of Blachernae. He ordered it to be decorated with precious stones and placed in the court church in a gilded kiosk, behind glass.
Sometimes the organizers of official events considered it appropriate to show the loyalty of non-Orthodox clergy to the monarch, his humility with the dominance of Orthodoxy in the empire. In Polotsk in 1780, when Catherine II visited it, this was reflected in the construction of Catholic and Uniate clergy near the Jesuit church: the Jesuits themselves, as well as Dominicans and Basilians in full vestments. When the Empress retired to her own chambers after greeting them, her closest associate G. A. Potemkin went to the Uniate Cathedral, where he was met by the metropolitan of this denomination.44 At the gates of Bakhchisarai in 1787, the empress was met by Orthodox clergy with the Gospel in their hands and the Tatar Mufti with the Koran 45-a visible image of the unity of religions under the scepter of the "Northern Semiramis".

In ceremonially arranged actions, the supreme power not only showed favor to its subjects,

42. Bashkir genealogies. Issue 1. Comp., preface, explanation. to the transl., transl. in Russian, afterword and decree by R. M. Bulgakov, M. Kh. Nadergulov. Ufa, 2002, p. 232.

43. Camera-Fourier ceremonial journal of 1805. July-December. St. Petersburg, 1904, p. 137.

44. Sapunov A. P. Pozhdanie imperatritsy Ekateriny II v Polotsk [Stay of the Empress Catherine II in Polotsk]. Issue III. Vitebsk, 1916. p. 58.

45. Esipov G. V. Journey of Catherine II to southern Russia in 1787. 1891. N 9. P. 420.

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but she also showed respect for their traditional way of life, showed a friendly attitude to foreign cultural foundations. This also (as well as the preservation of traditional elites) largely compensated for the negative attitude towards Russian rule, reconciled with the need to submit to the tsar, his deputies and officials. The authorities were aware of the importance of paying attention to Russians who spoke different languages and professed different beliefs. Periodically, embassies from vassal rulers submissive to the tsar and deputations from "foreigners" completely incorporated into the structure of the state were allowed to the court, for audiences and performances. In the 19th century, the presence of representatives of different nations became a frequent element of celebrations of national significance in the capital. A rare opportunity to see the Russian capital and the sovereign himself with your own eyes gave rise to stories full of fictional details and tall tales. The main mythologem was stories about the granting of royal favors to the people and their messengers.

It is also possible to see some comparative, competitive discourse in inviting representatives of peoples to court and involving them in court ceremonies. The deliberate pomp and solemn regularity of coronations and audiences showed a clear contrast with the traditional rites of "foreigners". The grandeur of the empire in which they were destined to live was most visible. This was how power was visualized in the most accessible form.

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