Когда сегодня говорят о Йемене, в новостях почти всегда фигурируют одни и те же слова: война, голод, разруха, атаки на корабли, бомбардировки. Но если присмотреться и копнуть чуть глубже, становится понятно: война — лишь верхушка айсберга. Йемен уже давно живёт не просто вне XXI века, а где-то в параллельной реальности, где государство как таковое отсутствует, а его место занимают племена, религиозные вожди и вооружённые группы.

Почему же страна, у которой есть древнейшая история, богатое культурное наследие и стратегическое положение на перекрёстке торговых путей, сегодня воспринимается как живой музей средневековья? Попробуем разобраться.

Государство, которого нет

Парадокс Йемена в том, что формально у него есть правительство. Реально — нет. С 2014 года, когда йеменская столица Сана была захвачена хуситами, власть в стране окончательно рассыпалась на множество осколков. Сегодняшний Йемен — это лоскутное одеяло из враждующих территорий, на каждой из которых свои правители, свои законы и — что важнее — свои вооружённые отряды.

Международно признанное правительство заседает в Эр-Рияде (саудовская столица, не йеменская) и, по оценкам аналитиков, практически не способно управлять даже теми территориями, которые номинально ему подконтрольны. Временная столица — Аден — погружена в хаос: там регулярно отключают электричество, улицы патрулируют не полицейские, а местные вооружённые группировки, а чиновники, получающие зарплату из-за рубежа, не спешат возвращаться на родину.

При этом сам Президентский совет (коллективный орган, формально управляющий Йеменом) состоит из восьми человек, которые постоянно конфликтуют друг с другом и никак не могут поделить власть. Such an organ is not able to either pass laws, control the troops, or save the economy.

On the north, where the majority of the population lives, the Houthis rule. They are also Ansar Allah — a military-political movement that supports Iran. They have their own courts, army, taxes, ideology, mixed with religion and military dictatorship.

On the south, the so-called Transitional Council establishes its own order. This group does not hide its separatist intentions: it wants to restore the borders of the old, separate South Yemen, which existed until 1990. Surprisingly, its leader formally enters that very Presidential Council. Such a situation, where a person who wants to dismantle the country officially enters its highest governing body, best characterizes the "state structure" of modern Yemen.

In such a situation, what kind of state can be talked about? In the classical understanding of a state, there should be a unified army, laws, borders. None of this exists in Yemen. Instead, there is chaos, in which the strongest takes the right to govern.

Power not of law, but of tribe

The Middle Ages were different from the modern era not only by the absence of the internet but also by the way society was organized. A person was not a citizen, but a subject: first of his clan, then of his suzerain, and then — at best — of his king. Yemen today has returned to this model.

The tribe means everything here. Affiliation — to which clan you belong, what traditions your family has — determines your rights, obligations, opportunities, and even security.

Researchers note that in modern Yemen, tribalism is not just alive, it is gaining momentum. The weakening of the state has led to the fact that tribes have again taken on functions that in normal countries are performed by the government: they judge, collect taxes, protect their territory, and even conclude international alliances.

There are no laws here; instead, there is a tribal code and the custom of blood revenge. If there is no police in your country and the neighboring village has killed your relative, no one will call 112. You take up arms and go to restore justice as your ancestors did a thousand years ago.

Understanding this, it is no longer surprising why it is so difficult to establish peace in Yemen. You cannot sign a peace treaty with a country that does not exist. You can only reach an agreement with dozens of tribal leaders, each of whom pulls the carpet on his own.

Economy of stone and katana

The economic appearance of Yemen also takes us back to the past. The foundation of the economy is natural or semi-natural agriculture. More than half of the workforce is employed in the agricultural sector. This is not high-tech farms, but small family plots where everything is processed by hand.

The main agricultural crop is kat, which is the main determinant of the face of Yemen. Kat is a narcotic shrub whose leaves are chewed by almost all Yemenis (both men and women) for most of the day. This is not just a habit; it is a kind of social glue. But it has terrible economic consequences.

Kat requires an enormous amount of water. In a country where there is already a chronic shortage of water, this is a crime against the future. The best lands are given up for kat, which could have been used to grow wheat, fruit, and vegetables. Tens of thousands of families are sitting on this "needle" — if they are taken away from kat, the already fragile economy will collapse.

Oil, which once gave hope for prosperity, has become more of a curse today. Its reserves are small compared to neighbors, and constant wars have destroyed the infrastructure. Instead of working for the future, oil fields have become the apple of discord, a source of funding for opposing sides.

And finally, there is war. War is the main "economic activity" of Yemen. It feeds field commanders, arms barons, and international intermediaries. Millions of people live on humanitarian aid, not producing anything. This is an economy of survival, not development.

Past that did not become past

It should be said that the "medieval" appearance of Yemen has a deep historical foundation. States on its territory have been organized differently than in Europe for centuries. In the Middle Ages, it was in Yemen (during the Rasulid dynasty) that a unique culture, art, and architecture were formed, leaving an indelible mark.

Empires here were not centralized but rather "tribal federations". Imams — spiritual and secular leaders — ruled for centuries, relying on the support of elite clans. When in the 20th century they tried to build a modern state, these medieval structures did not disappear. They simply went underground, waiting for their time. And that time came in 2011, after the "Arab Spring", when central power collapsed.

Therefore, what we see today is not degradation, but a return to the origins. To the form of social organization that was natural for Yemen for most of its history.

Shadow of empires

It is impossible to talk about the "medievalism" of Yemen without mentioning the external factor. The country has been a battlefield for regional powers for many years. Iran supports the Houthis to gain access to the Red Sea and threaten Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia (and the UAE) have been bombing Yemen for years, trying to restore a pro-Saudi government, but in the end, they have only deepened the chaos.

Both sides use Yemen as a testing ground for weapons and a field for proxy wars. Who is their own in this war and who is foreign? A simple Yemeni whose home has been bombed will hardly be able to answer this question. He just wants to survive.

And here lies the main impotence of the world community. The UN has been trying to reconcile the warring parties for years, but all peace plans have failed because the real "players" are outside the country. Their interests are far from peace in Yemen.

Conclusion: hopelessness or hope?

So, why does Yemen resemble a medieval country?

Politically, there is no unified state here. Power is divided between tribes, military groups, and religious leaders. Socially, a person is not a citizen, but a member of a tribe. Instead of laws, traditions and the rule of force are in effect. Economically, the foundation of life is natural agriculture and trade in the narcotic plant kat. Psychologically, people live for today, in conditions of constant war and the absence of prospects.

But it would be a mistake to write off Yemen. This country has an ancient culture that the варвары of our time are trying to erase from the face of the earth. There is amazing architecture — the mud brick skyscrapers of Shibam, which have stood for hundreds of years. There are people who remember the times of peace and prosperity.

The question is whether the world community will have enough wisdom and will to not just bomb Yemen or feed it with humanitarian aid, but really help it create a working state. So far, the answer is obvious: not enough. And Yemen continues to live in its own, medieval world, where time stopped the moment progress gave way to chaos.
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